PSOL - SOCIALISM AND FREEDOM PARTY
General guidelines for Government Program in 2014 Elections

Presentation
Brazil is experiencing a unique moment in its recent history. After twenty five years and
since the enactment of the Federal Constitution of 1988 and out of Collor we see an important
resumption of popular mobilizations, which calls into question the limits of the current political model
and economic, a model built to preserve the domination of the majority by a minority
privileged. In June 2013 our country experienced a new awakening of the manifestations of
street, the highest since the arrival of the PT project to the federal government.
The demonstrations that took as its starting point the fight against the increase in tariffs
They expressed a broader discontent of the people against the appalling living conditions
in large Brazilian cities and dissatisfaction with the subordination of the public interest
to private businesses. The popular uprising that began in June was not only against
expensive scrapped and inefficient transport system: it was also against the exclusion of this majority
living in cities without access to quality public health services, education, security
public, housing, culture and leisure.
The new fact was established since then is that the country has entered a new situation,
more favorable to the social struggles and defense of a structural change program, aimed
to combat social inequality, guarantee of rights, the expansion of direct democracy
and the defense of a political and economic project that guarantees urban mobility, the rights of
workers, public services and preservation of the environment and property
common that should serve the interests of the majority.
The winds of change have greater strength to the struggle of various social sectors. It was
we saw the mobilization of indigenous peoples, in the demonstrations against the abuses of the Cup
World, in the homeless occupations movement and the struggle of various professional categories
which resumed the strike as a legitimate instrument and, in some cases, independent of
union structures.
Faced with pressure from the streets, the Dilma government and its majority in Congress not
They made any change of course by keeping the current development model intact and
the economic policy course that benefits big business. What is clearly notes
a process of de-industrialization, increased technological dependence, increasing vulnerability
external, reprimarization the economy, the greater concentration of capital and growing dominance
financial. Also, continue the privatization of roads, ports and airports; at
joints to increase the transfer of public funds to private health plans for
through BNDES financing, deepening the underfunding and the scrapping of
Unified Health System (SUS); blocking the increase in public spending on social policies and
appreciation of the civil service; and the privatization of 60% of the Ground Pound, the pre-salt,
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largest oil reserve ever discovered in the country, as well as the approval of a National Plan
Education that does not ensure the 10% of GDP for public education, as claimed by
educational movement.
With regard to economic policy, Brazilian interest rates have returned to lead the
ranking of the highest rates in the world. In addition, the government has offered special advantages
to big business, through generous loans subsidized by the BNDES.
However, investment by the BNDES in areas of strategic public interest is very low.
While the government dreams of the increase in private investment, more than 4O% of
Union budget in 2013 (900 billion reais) were drained to pay the
public debt service, including interest and depreciation, keeping intact the financier facet
of economic policy.
From the point of view of land ownership democratization there were setbacks, and
alliance government with agribusiness is firmer than ever in an attempt to expand
agricultural frontier, with extensive public funding - the concentration of supply
rural property and land disputes in the country.
The Dilma government governance is sustained in a conservative alliance, which
It involves the traditional physiological and right sectors. In this context, the Federal PSOL bench
It has been the expression of dissatisfied with the current model. The countertop was combativeness
expressed in several key fights where our parliamentarians knew distinguish
clearly what is non-negotiable for the defense of people's interests. Our party, on the streets and in
parliament, has faced the large farmers, rentiers, monopolists and conservative interests.
The biggest contradiction of this new political landscape, however, is that the desire to change the
majority of the population, indicated by opinion polls, has not yet found a
alternative in the political and electoral terrain. The old right of option, represented now by Aécio
Neves, as well as the equally conservative pragmatic alliance between Eduardo Campos and
Marina Silva, has no ability to occupy the space for change.
In this scenario, PSOL seek to present to the Brazilian people one of the program
left tackles the historical problems of the country, centered on three areas: overcoming
Current economic policy and development model that plunders the environment and
our natural resources; profound transformation of the political system, increasing
popular participation, transparency and public control over the policy; and radical expansion
the rights and freedoms of workers, as well as the sectors
socially vulnerable and oppressed.
Neither accept the continuism represented by the PT and its allies, or rewind
symbolized by PSDB and its allies. Either we accept those as the PSB that are among the
two projects. Our party fights for a real left alternative to Brazil, saying in
loud and clear that we will not accept these projects at the service of the bourgeoisie, will be the opposition
left on the streets and in the election. Therefore, we present to the Brazilian people one
candidate for president who is up to these challenges: the companion Luciana
Son in law, historical fighter of popular causes in our country, former Federal Deputy, founder
our party and current president of Lauro Campos Foundation. We are confident that Luciana
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You will be able to embody the desire for change that took to the streets last year and translate into
concrete proposals Brazil that we want to build: fair, sovereign and democratic, finally, a
Brazil socialist.
GUIDELINES FOR THE GOVERNMENT PROGRAM PSOL

Based on the resolutions adopted at the four congresses of PSOL,
and the accumulation of our industry and discussions promoted by the National Executive
in Government Program Seminar in the first half of 2014, we presented to the people
Brazilian PSOL general guidelines of the Government Program for elections this year. This one
document is built on three main areas, from which, our estruturaremos
proposals. We understand that this is not a conclusive process, which is why we will continue
collecting contributions throughout the electoral process through the portal platform 50,
designed to be an interactive channel of dialogue between the PSOL and their supporters.

Axis 1 - Economic Policy and Development Model
A government PSOL promote structural changes in the economy. Brazil is
the world live an environmental crisis that is linked to the way it organizes
capitalist economy. The destruction of nature and environmental degradation are
directly proportional to the capitalist cruelty to oppressed and exploited
By this system. Our proposal is ecosocialist, for there can be a consistent defense
the environment without which point to overcoming the capital of the laws, which need sugar
natural resources and explore the human being to ensure accumulation in favor of 1%
population, while 99% suffer the adverse consequences of this economic model.
Brazil needs to achieve its true sovereignty. Today the situation is submission to
interests of finance capital and monopoly. Between April 2013 and April 2014 the government
Dilma increased the benchmark interest rate nine times, from 7.5% to 11%. With that, she
He returned to lead the ranking of the highest rates in the world. At the same time, the government promised
impound R $ 40 billion in budget execution this year to ensure a surplus
Primary 1.9% of GDP. Thus, the main component of the financial imbalance of the State
Brazil is by far the interest account, which has consumed between 5% and 7% of GDP. That's a record.
The world average commitment of interest with public finances is around 1% of
GDP, reaching 2% in exceptional cases. Brazil spends on interest-bearing account, almost
same amount of resources invested in its social security system! Majority
the Brazilian domestic debt is in the hands of 20,000 creditors, while the security system
It serves about 130 million people.
Clear demonstration of this submission is the refusal of the federal government to comply with the
agreement, already very poor, made with governors to renegotiate the contracts of
state debts due to "market turbulence". This is because the model
Brazilian economy is anchored in the financialization of the economy, which is based on the "System
Public Debt ", leading to expansion of debt by the obligation to repay the principal

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and pay the interest. Only an independent audit can demonstrate just how harmful this is
process. In this regard, the example of Ecuador is eloquent, it achieved a reduction
75% in the amount of the debt.
The audit should result in the suspension of payment of due interest and amortization
public debt, ensuring the right of small savers and retirement of
employees who participate in pension funds, given the fact that they foreclosing the
State's ability to invest, for example, social rights - health, education,
housing, urban mobility, sanitation, etc. These measures should protect small
and medium holders of government bonds, which will not be harmed.
Our immediate struggle will be for Brazil's economy does not follow tied to the interests
the large financial capital. While Dilma, Aetius and Eduardo Campos vying for the post of
guarantors of fiscal adjustment and compliance with the primary surplus targets, our program
part of the definition that the resources now allocated to the payment of debt for the five thousand
wealthier families will be allocated to public investment, health, education, transportation
and other social spending. We will end the deregulation of the economy and the opening
financial and commercial irresponsible and will implement strict control of capital
to inhibit speculation. At the same time, our government will not grant independence to the Bank
Central, turning it into an instrument of the recovery of national sovereignty against
imperialism.
It will also have a central place in our fight against the concentration of wealth program
and inequalities. Worldwide, 85 fortunes accumulated the same wealth that 3.5 billion
people. In Brazil is no different. The five thousand richest families concentrated most of the
wealth produced, and still receive government money, through interest payments.
This process will be stalled to tackling the debt problem, but to be
reversed, it needs to move in a deep tax reform.
Several measures will in this direction. The first is to change the tax structure,
regressive to progressive; substantive modification of the tax sharing is essential,
so that the rich pay proportionately more taxes than the middle class and the
poor. It is unacceptable that on the middle class labor income relates the same
rate levied on income from work the rich. It is necessary to exemption
tax levied directly on the income of the poor and the middle class. The second
is to eliminate much of the relief measures, either payroll, either
the reduction of IPI, especially durable consumer goods sectors and industries in which
there is low competition. The third is to make taxation on income
the capital is higher than the tax on labor income. The fourth involves
higher valuation of the stock of wealth of the rich. The fifth is to eliminate subsidies
financing for investment projects of large enterprises and economic groups. THE
the sixth is to end the funding, with public funds for foreign companies
They are operating in the country. Finally, the seventh measure requires higher tax rates of the primary sector, inclusive
with specific export taxes.
The Tax on Large Fortunes - a measure contained in the Constitution since
1988 and to date has been unregulated - should be a source of resources and justice. Come on

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reverse the logic of the current tax system, increasing taxes on wealth and
property, and we can lower taxes on wages and consumption, benefiting
the poor, workers, small traders, freelancers, finally, the
which today support the parasitism of the few.
Measures such as the Family Grant must be transformed into effective policy
cash transfers, treated as a State policy and accompanied by transformations
structural, as isolated are merely palliative and insufficient to ensure a dignified life
that everyone deserves. It is known q ue the real increases in the minimum wage, although below
minimum wage necessary appointed by the DIEESE, were more effective in reducing
poverty than income transfer programs. Secure employment and better quality
worthy salary is fundamental. In this sense, it is also important to rebind the adjustment
of retirees to the minimum wage, to end the social security factor and void reform
security 2003.
Our program should also be adamant in defense of national sovereignty and, therefore,
public control of strategic areas such as energy, which is critical of sovereignty
and the development of any country. There is a potential conflict of geopolitical interests
inherent in a giant oil reserves such as Brazil. Energy policy and PSDB
PT, although different, they have been a disaster for Brazil, moving from one system
public, planned and cooperative to a private system, mercantile, competitive, expensive
inefficient and devastating the environment.
Another important point is the defense of a change in funding policy
BNDES. Loans can no longer be granted to large contractors and
multinationals that have capital or access to international loans and those that
They use public resources to increase the concentration and monopolies. The priority has
to be established in accordance with the interests of the majority of the people and not a handful of
private companies. We will end and reverteremos privatization strengthening the state and its
strategic planning instruments, qualifying and well-paying civil servants,
to provide quality services. In addition, we will make an audit of public works to
identify resource gaps, waste and abuse.
Finally, it is worth noting as a construction element of a new economic model and
development, the need for a thorough review of the Brazilian agrarian system. Beyond
an agrarian reform that disassemble the large estates and expropriate properties that may be
used for production purposes - especially food production - will be role of the state
encourage activities that create jobs, develop sustainably in the economy
field and strengthen national sovereignty. Only sectors focused on export
commodities not count on public incentives and will be strict control object by
of society, with the reversal of the process of monopolization in the field.
Axis 2 - Political System and Democracy
We understand that the institutions of Brazilian democracy have not responded to
interests of the majority of the people. Institutions are captured by economic power, corroded by
corruption and impunity, and apart from a legitimate representation of the population. The
elections, legitimate tool of governments, are in great
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marketing spectacles of deception and false promises. Economic power is
determinant, leaving small gaps where possibly the genuine will
popular manages to express.
The mobilizations June 2013 demonstrated the political representation crisis
Traditional and its institutions, especially for the younger generation. The PSOL want to present
as the party in the institutional dispute supports the idea that power comes from the streets and
it will defend a profound democratization of power.
Therefore, in our government, we will refound the rotting and empty institutions
representation, to match the popular will. We will create mechanisms
direct democracy, enabling people to take the politics and economics into their own hands,
to put them at the service of the interests of the majority. Likewise, the defeasibility of
mandates of politicians, like the existing recall referendum in Venezuela, is a
key tool in building a lively and participatory democracy.
A real political reform has to interfere in what has made a major policy
business: the financing of campaigns by private companies. We will work so that
laws are passed abridging the influence of economic power over the electoral process,
as suggested by the Democratic Coalition for Clean Elections and the Platform of Movements
Social for Political Reform. By the same token, we will encourage and will ensure the participation
sectors historically priced out of political life, such as women, blacks and other sectors
today social underrepresented.
In this process, we must promote legal changes that allow greater control
on social institutions and political actors, with the end of impunity to criminals
white collar (while the prisons are crowded with the poor) and their privileges,
expansion of the monitoring and control instruments, with a systematic combat and
relentless corruption.
In addition, we fundaremos a new governance: we will end up with the eternal "Tomala for-tat" in Congress. Our relationship with parliamentarians will be based on
popular will and the changes will come not by spurious agreements, but by pressure from the streets. That
It is the real "new politics".

Axis 3 - More and Better Rights
The demonstrations of June 2013 brought to light a number of social problems
which are the result of the exclusionary economic model, concentrator and based on
overexploitation of labor. It was no accident that the spark of the June demonstrations was
the increase in bus fares. The question of the right to the city, especially the problem of
urban mobility and the indifference of governments with public transportation makes the displacement
a true daily Via Crucis for the people. But as was said in the demonstrations was "not only
for five cents, it was by rights. " Social demands are multiple, such as health,
education, end violence, transparency, participation ... So we are committed to
deploy the Zero Rate in major urban centers, using funds intended for today

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primary surplus to invest in public transport, health, education and culture, including
improving the salaries of civil servants, key players in improving services
offered to the population.
In recent months, thanks to urban occupations mainly promoted by
MTST, the issue of affordable housing has gained national prominence. The program My House
My life has been a gold mine for builders and the housing problem for
poor families is far from resolved. We fully modify this program,
removing it from the control of contractors and sharing his tenure with the struggle entities
for housing. In addition, we will propose legislation to establish tight control over
the increases in rents, combating property speculation and further taxing the
empty properties. As proposed by the MTST, we need to freeze rents as he formulates a
new tenancy law of the country.
Agrarian Reform is also vitally important to the people of the field is a model
which can promote regional development. In the case of cities, can mean the warranty
cheaper and better at the table of big city dwellers foods.
Along with the rural movements, including the MST, we seek to implement a program
agrarian reform that starts from the need for democratization of land ownership,
setting limits, and proposing the reorganization of agricultural production, prioritizing production
food without poisons.
In the field of basic rights in the first place will not accept setbacks as
easing of labor rights, the restriction of the right to strike or layoffs
arbitrary, like the subway of. The PSOL supports the struggle of workers and
We seek progress as the journey of 40 hours and higher wages.
Radically will expand public investment in health and education. In the SUS,
we will make an overall resumption of its original functions, ensuring comprehensive care
all free of charge and with quality. In education, we will ensure the gradual expansion
public investment, restraining the transfer to private institutions in order to
universal access to all free education levels through institutions
public.
In the field of human rights and civil liberties are a number of themes that
We seek face. The fight against homophobia, for example, is very important. The
homophobic attacks have been increasingly frequent and the struggle for rights such as marriage
equal civil, gains strength especially among the youth.
The fight against racism also strengthened in recent years. The racism that exists in
Brazilian society's relationship goes beyond the most glaring episodes that sooner or later calls
the attention of public opinion, it is present in the daily life of the population. The society
Brazil is made up mostly of black men and women in imposing the urgent challenge of
combat racism, eradicate differences and existing apartheid leading a segment
as broad of society to be excluded from many of the rights.
Violence against women, their sexual and reproductive rights, the absurd deaths
result of the criminalization of abortion and gender inequality in the labor market also
must be central themes in our government. Therefore, the campaign will be PSOL spokesman
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fight against conservative setbacks that aims to approve the Statute of the Unborn and
hinder the care for victims of sexual violence. We must defend the legalization of
abortion, similar to what was done in Uruguay, which dramatically decreased deaths
women as a result of illegal abortion.
A government PSOL have the courage that others did not have to move in
democratization of the media. The breaking of media oligopolies and their political
single voice will have special attention, emphasizing the end of the cross-ownership of the means of
communication. Our incentive is to alternate communication tools such as
community radios and TVs, and public media outlets. In addition, we will focus on the
social media control, with instruments of popular participation.
As for public safety, we will promote a radical change in the current system
Brazilian, ensuring another role for the police than the repression of the poorest,
preparing security workers to repress crimes promoted by gangs
specialized. Moreover, fight for an effective enhancement of police, firefighters and
other professionals, such as some propositions set out in Amendment Proposals
Constitutional 51 and 300. And also guarantee the right to organize and to strike.
Security must be understood as a fundamental social right. It's not possible
think about democratizing our society without striking one of the most brutal aspects of policy
the state apparatus: the use of military police as genocide instrument against
the poor and criminalization of their social struggles, to maintain the interests of
elites. So the PSOL defends the demilitarization and unification of the police.
We must remember that Brazil is the fourth country in the world in prison population behind
only the US, Russia and China. A survey conducted by the Institute Avante Brazil, with data
InfoPen, the Ministry of Justice, pointed a growth of 508.8% in the prison population
Brazil from 1990 to 2012. And who are these prisoners? In 2012 the brown and
Blacks were large majority. It was also most those who have the elementary school Incomplete.
Young people were also most: nearly 30% had between 18 and 24 years and 25.3% between 25 and 29
years. In this context, the illicit trade in narcotics in second place
incidence (behind property crimes) reaching 24.43% of the prison population in general, and
with respect to the female prison population is the principal cause of confinement,
reached 49.65% of prey.
In prisons, place reserved for individuals considered "disposable" by the State
today, reigning barbarism, as we have seen most acutely in Maranhão. The society
shocked by the violence in Rhinestones, but it's time to reflect why it came to this extreme.
It's time to stop the clamor for incarceration and increase the clamor for rights.
In this sense we present a set of proposals that starts pointing to the
end of the so-called war on drugs. This war is now the most powerful instrument of
criminalization of poverty and racial profiling. The death of Amarildo, Claudia and DG, among
many others, is also a result of the drug war. It legitimizes violence and violations
human rights committed by the State itself against the poor. Although
Insufficient disruption of view of trafficking and all its consequences,
the decriminalization of marijuana is an undeniable step forward. Uruguay is the first country
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Latin America to legalize the use, cultivation and sale of marijuana. Consumption was no longer crime
for many years and the main concern of the government was to prevent drug trafficking to follow
dominating the market. This is the way we want to follow.

Acknowledgements:
This document would not have been possible without the Reinaldo Gonçalves elaborations,
César Benjamin, Maria Lucia Fatorelli, Chico Alencar and Guilherme Estrella. To them, sincere
thanks Socialism and Freedom Party.

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