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POLITICAL REFORMS
AND NEW CONSTITUTION

CHILE CHANGE: CHANGING THE RULES SHOULD ALSO
Every society is composed of various dimensions: cultural, economic, political, social and
regulations, which, always according to the theory, interact.
Over the past 32 years, the governments of Chile have been mainly dedicated to creating
markets, in all possible areas, even where it was not obvious to, such as health and
education. At the same time, key areas for the country's development were postponed, as the
policy to promote culture and political rights of citizens.
This allows consistently explain why Chile can be described as a society
the premium economy above all else, without culture or policies are effective mechanisms
to restore healthy functioning of society. The rules currently in force were
deliberately designed to culture, politics and (even more) the rules themselves, remain
perpetual subordinated to the economy. 80 The Constitution itself is the best proof.
Chile obtained and maintained over the years, his status as serious and respectful country of investment.
However, this contrasts with the little credibility they enjoy public institutions. This
Thus, the three branches of government squalid exhibit percentages of public trust or what is
equivalent boast high levels of public distrust.
Social events in recent times have threatened the social design created by the
military dictatorship and efficiently run by coalition governments. Today are
unbearable corporate abuses, the protest is seen as a legitimate means of social expression,
we sound outrageous that people need to borrow to study, we seem illegitimate
cupulares agreements, and representation sistemade deep crisis of legitimacy.

Chile needs a change of rules
The preceding diagnosis requires a triple effort: (i) encourage and value citizenship, (ii)
recover and promote culture and (iii) govern the economy. We firmly believe that the above
necessarily involves changing the rules now define the limits of our discredited
institutions.
But what we mean by "rules"? And what we mean by
"Change" rules? These two questions are fundamental.
One of the first tasks faced by companies is to solve the problem
ownership. In simple terms, this means that society must decide whose interests will
prevail over other conflicting interests. This requires answering simple questions and
others less so, such as the conflict between those who prefer silence and who wish
make noise, or the conflict between those who want to discriminate with impunity and advocates
by suppressing all kinds of differences among people.

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Then, societies must also solve the problem of protection. That is, should
define mechanisms to protect entitlements. It could be resolved, for example, a
aquélloºs ownership assigned to noise should prefer minimal protection or even that
does not enjoy any protection. The answer depends, ultimately, on the assessment that the cops will
assigned to the various entitlements.
The rules, then, are the responses given by the company or solutions to problems on
entitlements and protection. It is clear that both the problem and the problem of ownership
protection are matters of political order, because, unlike conservatives believe that
concerning entitlements and protection no technical problems.
As such, the change of rules is unquestionable democratic mechanisms set suit
the rules to social responses. Too many years have passed in which the rules have stifled
political and citizens' deliberative agenda.

The rule change part by a new constitution
The Constitution is the fundamental rule of every society, the document that embodies and institutionalizes
political society that people want to live. When we say that something is "right
constitutional "means that no one is willing to negotiate on that point. The address is valid,
because the Constitution is in good accounts, the fundamental law of the state that all members
the cops should be willing to defend and no one should challenge.
However, the Chilean constitutional experience has not been very neat and democratic along
throughout our republican history. History shows that state-building has, since
the birth of the Republic, due to intervention of the Armed Forces. This happened to
1830, with the military coup engineered by Diego Portales, Joaquín Prieto, Manuel Bulnes and others. And it came
also with the military coups of September 5, 1924 and January 23, 1925, which concluded
sheltering the conclaves of the Sub-Commission on Constitutional Reform appointed at will
Arturo Alessandri Palma, who drafted the Constitution ultimately that date. The same happened in
1980 after the military coup of 1973, when a small fee covered by a totalitarian regime,
He drafted the constitution that governs us today. Therefore, in the three constituent situations that
recorded until today the history of Chile, none of them citizens exercised their sovereign power.
The Constitution that governs us today is still, in essence, the Constitution of the military dictatorship. Their
central aspects can be described as follows:
to)



In order to safeguard the stability, the 1980 Constitution minimized the involvement
citizen politics. And pretext of stability (in order to attract foreign capital),
the Constitution overturned almost entirely political agency of citizenship. Indeed:

i While citizens can "choose" President, senators, deputies, mayors and
Councillors from time to time, the Constitution does not include any of the prerogative
citizens to demand that our authorities fulfill what they offered.
ii Citizens lack bill.
iii The Constitution of the military regime does not incorporate the instance of an Assembly

Constituent call to overcome the institutional framework created by the dictatorship.



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b)

The 1980 Constitution establishes the basis for a society of deregulated market. Indeed, the
Current constitution of a particular ideological conception and is established as a
Valórica Constitution, that is, which is built on enduring values ​​and objectives.

c)

Third, the Constitution of 80 gave the President special powers that are
more typical of a monarchy to a democratic presidential system. For example,
it is for the President of the Republic the exclusive initiative on the budget of the
Nation. This seems sensible in a presidential regime, but ceases to be when we find
the Judiciary (assumed independent) then it depends on the will of the Executive
in budgetary matters. On the other hand, the President of the Republic has a right
veto on laws that transforms the Congress, in all relevant subjects in a
real actor.











As drafted, the stability is too valuable to the Constitution of 80 to
contrasting with the requirements (policies) of citizens. But Chile has changed, so we can not
move forward with a Constitution that was the work of a military dictatorship.

PROPOSALS
Rule changes, policy reforms and new constitution
Chile needs a new constitution to incorporate the political reforms that shape the
social demands of the XXI century, and which are structured
around three fundamental axes:
a) semi-presidential system with a unicameral Parliament.
b) Federalism attenuated as the organizing principle of the territorial government.
c) clear constitutional definition of essential social rights,

including education, health, social welfare and environment.
The functions of the State as a whole should have as value orientation of world culture
human rights, and any and all of its institutions should promote, respect and guarantee
the enjoyment of all civil, cultural, economic, political and social human rights.
The elements which is expected to incorporate this new Constitution are as follows:
1.

We propose a semi-presidential political regime or semi-parliamentary, where President
holding the head of state, the armed forces and foreign affairs, while
the head of government is in the hands of a Prime Minister with executive powers
as in a parliamentary or semi-presidential regime. In the same vein, we consider
that the exercise of the Presidency for a single term of four years generates an unwanted
status quo, by means of preventing or severely hinder the possibility of implementing
deep and real changes. We therefore propose that the authorities elected government
they can be re-elected for one consecutive term.

2.

We propose voting rights of Chileans abroad, as a way of recognition and
preserving the human capital of many Chileans who, for various
reasons not inhabit this territory.











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3.

Because we believe in cultural diversity and unrestricted respect the lifestyles of our
native peoples, we propose that the new constitution recognize and declare that Chile is a country
whose people are multiracial and multicultural. We believe that this recognition should devote
as a constituent State and legitimizing aspect. We are certain that this paradigm
heterogeneity is cause for doubt or fear by more conservative sectors
society. We believe that this should be reflected in the new Constitution.

Four.

We promote the new social pact that recognizes Chile claims, secure and vouches for participation
organized citizens in the resolution of national, regional and local problems
as the defense of democracy. Our model of democracy does not end, as
currently the case, to vote periodically faces or names without explicit affiliation, but
We aspire to consecrate the following mechanisms:












i. Not binding on the widest range of matters of public interest, public consultations either
local, regional and national levels.
ii. Advisory referendum all citizens in matters of special importance to the state.
iii. Recall Referendum on all magistrates and other offices of national election.
iv. Popular Initiative Act, except in particularly qualified cases.
5.

While we believe that the unitary character of the state is suited to our reality, we aim to advance
to an attenuated version of federalism. We therefore propose that the government and the administration
upper regions corresponds to a regional council directly elected by the people
of the respective region based on a proportional system, whose character is normative, resolving and
watchdog within their own purview of the regional government.

6.

We believe that the legislative dimension of sovereignty must be rooted in an Assembly
Unicameral National comprised of 150 members directly elected by the citizens, based
a proportional system that puts final term the binomial system. Regarding the system
election, progressives offer a proposal called "proportional system
competitive "that we believe adequately responds to the aspirations of citizens.

7.

The new Constitution should ensure a number of fundamental rights, among which are:










i. Ensure an economy that guarantees respect for the rights
human, economic, social and cultural rights and the effective equity
between citizens through taxation capable of financing
public policies for greater equality, justice and freedom.
ii. Ensure the right to free, quality public education, and the term of profit in education.
iii. Guarantee the right to health.
iv. Guarantee the right to sexual and reproductive freedom. v. Ensure the promotion of

minimum procedural guarantees (due process, presumption of innocence, the principle of legality).
saw. Guarantee citizens the ability to effectively call for referendum and plebiscite

issues of national importance.
vii. Ensure respect for and recognition of the intrinsic value of nature and living things,

prioritizing respect for biodiversity, as interdependent and systemic phenomenon, critical

for the preservation of life on the planet and the environmental and ecological identity of the country.




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8. The Progressives believe in the independence of the branches of government. In that sense, we
It seems wrong that the judiciary is subject to the will of the Executive regarding
your budget. We therefore propose that the judiciary count on budgets
multiannual which will improve the quality of its operation. Finally, we believe that
Constitutional justice must have genuine legal powers, so that always
guarantees citizens are respected above any other consideration or technicality.










9. We hope that the political parties have a new institutional framework, responsive
the ideal of organized participation of society in public activities and challenges. In
that sense, we believe important to discuss a system of public financing of political,
but at the same time submit appropriate mechanisms to prevent fraud. Since that
perspective, we believe that the state must openly declare their affinity for debate
ideas country and his assessment of the political heterogeneity. In terms of its internal structure,
aspire to change the paradigm own games just electoral machines,
passing scheme genuinely democratic parties with strong restrictions
hegemonic exercise of authority.

An important part of the discussion on parties and political participation requires the enactment of
Lobby demanding rules, transparency, Conflicts of Interest and Campaign Financing.
We believe that these rules pointing toward regaining the confidence of citizens,
for reasons that are easy to guess, they could not properly flourish under our
Current institutions.

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PARTNERSHIP

Alejandra Botitnelli

Jorge Cienfuegos

Miguel Márquez

Alvaro Miranda

Jorge Farias

Miguel Prieto

Andres Solimano

Jorge Vergara

Paul Labbé

Arturo Duclos

Juan Carlos Urquidi

Patricia Morales

Beatriz Stager

Juan Gumucio

Patricia Peña

Berna Castro

Juan Casassus

Patrick Hermann

Lagos Camilo

Juan Valenzuela

Oriele Nuñez

Carlos Ominami

Maia Seeger

Rafael Urriola

Ciro Colombara

Manuel Baquedano

Rainer Hauser

Claudia Perez

Manuel Ipinza

Raul Requena

Claudia Rodriguez

Manuela Gumucio

Rodrigo Chauriye

Cristian Galaz

Maria Pia Matta

Rodrigo Urzúa

Daniel Flores

Marcelo Lepe

Samuel Jimenez

Edgardo Bruna

Marcos Ortiz

Sandra Valenzuela

Federico Stager

Marisol Vera

Ortiz Varinia

Felipe Fuenzalida

Matias Negrete

Victor Hugo Carrasco

Fernando Gonzalez

Mauricio Electorat

Waldo Lopez

Jaime Parada

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INSTALLATION PROCESS
CONSTITUENT

Article 28 of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen of 1793 states that "A

people always have the right to review, reform and change its constitution. A generation can not
impose its laws to future generations. "
In Chile, this principle is not met and that there is a procedure for parliamentary reform,
high political cost, but a mechanism is not provided for constitutional change precisely by the
perpetuity claim sought to give the Constitution. Hence one problem
central to resolve is how to install a constitutional process.
Progressives believe that this is an act of political will, because we are certain
a mature, self-centered and democratic society, which does not lose its institutional sense, can
make a constitutional pact troubled society much more promising and comprehensive in
which political pact is broken.
Search in troubled companies on the Constitution is an act of survival
policy in mature companies, as we believe it is Chile, is an act of sanity to give birth to a
national project.
Since democracy was recovered in 1990, Chile has operated under the implicit principle of
consociatividad, that is a partnership between the political powers of different doctrinal sign the
Governments and business actors, generating agreements are done without democratic scrutiny.
This has been helped by the form and substance of parliamentary functioning.
This way of working is now one of the main disseminators of social conflicts, leaving the
light a naked power that is in favor of strong political powers, completely forgetting
relegating citizens and minorities to the status of permanent opposition, regardless
who governs.
Institutionalized the end of this exercise and live in parliament, dominated in its
composition binomial electoral rule. There a disproportionate amount of materials is discussed
MPs subject to quorum qualified often transformation block
preventing Chile is made up with the times.
The same applies to the incompatibility between parliamentary or political representation, and representation
association or union. The censitaria rule tends to disadvantage citizens with fewer resources
power in the political system.
The political debate on new constitution is installed. However, this should involve all
citizenship. It requires a viabl constitutional pact in the long run, a construction product
agreed collectively and not on the urgency of a social crisis.

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PARTNERSHIP

Alejandra Botitnelli

Jorge Cienfuegos

Miguel Márquez

Alvaro Miranda

Jorge Farias

Miguel Prieto

Andres Solimano

Jorge Vergara

Paul Labbé

Arturo Duclos

Juan Carlos Urquidi

Patricia Morales

Beatriz Stager

Juan Gumucio

Patricia Peña

Berna Castro

Juan Casassus

Patrick Hermann

Lagos Camilo

Juan Valenzuela

Oriele Nuñez

Carlos Ominami

Maia Seeger

Rafael Urriola

Ciro Colombara

Manuel Baquedano

Rainer Hauser

Claudia Perez

Manuel Ipinza

Raul Requena

Claudia Rodriguez

Manuela Gumucio

Rodrigo Chauriye

Cristian Galaz

Maria Pia Matta

Rodrigo Urzúa

Daniel Flores

Marcelo Lepe

Samuel Jimenez

Edgardo Bruna

Marcos Ortiz

Sandra Valenzuela

Federico Stager

Marisol Vera

Ortiz Varinia

Felipe Fuenzalida

Matias Negrete

Victor Hugo Carrasco

Fernando Gonzalez

Mauricio Electorat

Waldo Lopez

Jaime Parada

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STATE SERVICE
CITIZENSHIP
Development can not be seen only from an economic perspective. Nations
developed models have implemented economic and social development rights covering
fundamental as health, education and social protection. The fundamental principles
a progressive policy are equality, justice and freedom.
In Chile, only ten economic groups control 20% of GDP, while the share of
small and medium enterprises in the industrial and commercial activity tends to decrease. In this
scenario, there will be no chance of achieving a sustainable, competitive economic development and
with strong added value.
Advances are scarce in building a knowledge-intensive economy, and persists
a precarious state of scientific and technological research and development in universities. He
Chilean economic model has shown little respect for the environment, especially in the
mining sector, the development of cities and energy proposals.
Inequality persists. The reasons that require a rule change are obvious: we want
New Chile, where the economy is at the service of citizens and not to serve certain
clusters.

In the last two decades, the State declined to translate the democratic will of the polls
in a country project, so that citizens lost power to decide on the economy.
The central economic role of the state was reduced to formulate monetary and fiscal policies,
protect property rights and legal institutions, and promoting external openness in
both its regulatory functions were weakened alarmingly.
The State abdicated regulate the financial sector, retail and pension funds, plus
failing to effectively protect the rights of consumers.
Progressives believe, to take advantage of the dynamism of the market economy
in the interests of the majority, the state should guide their development and regulate their
operation.
Past and present governments turned to economic policy a problem
essentially technical and field experts of unique action. In turn, they have preferred the
interests of certain economic groups over the interests of citizens. Formula
"Public-private partnerships" that held the concession model, created conditions for
that big business had an excellent (and often exclusive) influence on
public politics.

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Only this spurious link between public policy and business interests, may explain why
2008 pension reform succeeds in creating a solidarity pillar, but has not opened the possibility
creating a public alternative to the system of individual capitalization. On the contrary, he pushed
extreme liberalization of the system in relation to the placement of pension funds.
All this strengthens our option for an economic policy whose objectives are:


1. substantially reduce inequality, particularly in education, health
and pension system.




2. Moving from a short-term economic policy towards a development strategy
comprehensive and helps to improve our competitiveness and productivity within
sustainable development.



3. Engage the state as essential for progress towards equality actor, justice
and freedom.

Each of the proposals presented in the following chapters, is guided by the
mark of equality, justice and freedom for the comprehensive and sustainable development
society.

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PARTNERSHIP

Alejandra Botitnelli

Jorge Cienfuegos

Miguel Márquez

Alvaro Miranda

Jorge Farias

Miguel Prieto

Andres Solimano

Jorge Vergara

Paul Labbé

Arturo Duclos

Juan Carlos Urquidi

Patricia Morales

Beatriz Stager

Juan Gumucio

Patricia Peña

Berna Castro

Juan Casassus

Patrick Hermann

Lagos Camilo

Juan Valenzuela

Oriele Nuñez

Carlos Ominami

Maia Seeger

Rafael Urriola

Ciro Colombara

Manuel Baquedano

Rainer Hauser

Claudia Perez

Manuel Ipinza

Raul Requena

Claudia Rodriguez

Manuela Gumucio

Rodrigo Chauriye

Cristian Galaz

Maria Pia Matta

Rodrigo Urzúa

Daniel Flores

Marcelo Lepe

Samuel Jimenez

Edgardo Bruna

Marcos Ortiz

Sandra Valenzuela

Federico Stager

Marisol Vera

Ortiz Varinia

Felipe Fuenzalida

Matias Negrete

Victor Hugo Carrasco

Fernando Gonzalez

Mauricio Electorat

Waldo Lopez

Jaime Parada

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GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

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Democracy to Overcome Economic Neoliberalism.
Diagnosis, GUIDELINES AND PROPOSALS
GENERAL DIAGNOSIS
Chilean society faces a time of historic decisions. O depleted status remains
dominant economic and institutional quo for more than three decades or changes are introduced
necessary in a direction of economic democracy to overcome neoliberalism; a doctrine
outside the national soul and promotes individualism exacerbated and extended the
logic of profit and monetary gain not only the traditional productive sectors but
also to education, health and pensions, which is a source of serious social tensions and
delegitimization citizen. Today the Chilean economy growing high concentration of income and
wealth in a small economic elite, which controls the bulk of productive assets
the country and exerts undue pressure on democratic institutions, leading to these in
questioning and disrepute.
A vast majority of our compatriots living on modest salaries and faces high
costs of education, health, transport, medicines, food and other goods
fundamental. In other words, people face first world prices but earn salaries
third world, which leads to borrow to educate their children, access to goods
consumption and try to take a train decent living. We live in a country of great contrasts
paradoxes: while the per capita income in Chile totaled $ 18,000, one of the most
highest in Latin America and members of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development,
OECD, we stand among the 15 most unequal countries in the world in a total of 192 countries
according to statistics released by the United Nations. Moreover, in today's Chile,
Richest 1 percent of the population controls 30 percent of national income and four
richest families in the country have over $ 45 billion assets. In the other side
distribution of income and wealth are about six and a half million
Workers earning less than 550,000 pesos per month. Distorted priorities have been imposed
and absurd contradictions: while public spending on education in Chile, relative to GDP, is
of the lowest in Latin America, we have a level of military spending, relative to income, the
highest in the region. The budget of the Ministry of Culture of Chile is only $ 100 million
in a country with a GDP of US $ 260,000 million. Chile is the only country in the world where the
social security is fully privatized; and so.
The current model of economic development, established in the military regime of General Pinochet
It has been consolidated, sequentially and with different nuances, by the five governments
Coalition and Alliance right-wing parties. His inspiration, with variations
limited scope, has been the doctrine of neoliberalism. The result is a country socially
segmented, exclusive and of great disparities and social and cultural contrasts. Despite
macroeconomic results are displayed, the country has moved away from the search for
balanced national development with social cohesion and accompanied by a democracy
participatory ideal that characterized our country, with different emphasis and results in the period
ranging from independence in the 19th century until the early 1970s.
Neoliberalism was particularly radical subsequently applied the coup of 1973
which he overthrew the constitutional President Salvador Allende. Chile was converted into a laboratory
Experiment privatization policies and commodification of education, health and

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pensions, privatization of water rights and denationalization of large mining
copper multinational companies clearly disadvantageous arrangements for the Chilean nation.
Elsewhere in the world, with normally functioning democracies and where the power of
economic elites is balanced with the action of trade unions, civil society, the State
and a free and pluralistic press, could hardly apply the policies implemented in
Chile. In our country it has promoted with great zeal, the "market" (ie corporations and
conglomerates) which has been exalted above the interests of the community.
To achieve this goal have weakened the productive capacities of the state, its functions
economic regulation, redistribution of income and guarantee equal opportunities
for the entire population. The result of these policies has been building an economy
but a social market capitalism of monopolies and oligopolies dominated by conglomerates
economic in the banking system, pharmacies, retail trade, management
pension funds, private provision of health services, provision of energy and
ownership of the mass media such as newspapers, radio and television. It has been
established also a pernicious corporate culture and consumer handling
tapping its vast monopoly abuses and computer power in concentrated markets and
of increasing complexity.
The growth process of the past three decades, so praised and which has led us to raise
per capita income levels we have discussed, made possible by the presence of
one highly regressive savings-investment and pro-big business process. We can identify
five operation mechanisms designed to reorient the economic surplus in this
address:
i.



ii.



iii.

iv.

v.


A very asymmetric bargaining power between capital (companies) and that has allowed workers
the first appropriate the bulk of productivity gains through higher profits; in
shift workers and employees receive modest salaries and have a much reduced
ability to access better working conditions in their workplaces.
The mechanism of forced saving pension system that transfers force through political
AFP investment, a major part of the savings of workers and other sectors of the
society to major banks and companies which are then brokered and invested in
unfavorable for pensioners AFP system very favorable terms for these groups, but.
A tax system that exempts, for indefinite periods, payment of income taxes
and retained by companies that constitute the so-called Utilities Tax Fund, FUT.
A set of tax breaks called "tax expenditures" that release from taxation
different business activities.
A low level of taxation on large private mining companies dominated by copper
domestic and foreign.

This unequal and concentrator economic system, social growing process of delegitimization
and cultural question, it could consolidate for several decades with the help of the following
factors:
i.




The ability of the dominant economic elites to mobilize its enormous resources
Financial favorable public policies to ensure their privileged position. For
that a taxing labor infrastructure, environmental, media was designed
functional communication and education to the maintenance of the status quo. This can be achieved

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ii.









iii.












iv.





in various ways such as to ensure a system.
The control of economic power over the communications and media power. Television
airwaves, has specialized in transmitting content aimed at encouraging trivialized
escapist and conformist culture (profusion of reality shows, football and survey
information concerning crime, insecurity and violence in the news). The same
while avoiding the cognitive tools needed to deliver the people to be able
critically analyze and understand the reality in which they live. The two main newspapers
national conservative movement are facing with some nuances between them. By
Moreover not exist in Chile, unlike other Latin American countries and other regions
the world, daily newspapers of political tendency centrist or left or
less independent. There is freedom of press (formal) but not press diversity in Chile.
The economic conglomerates decisive influence on the political system in their ability
legislation through the financing of political campaigns, which in Chile are secret in their
sources. In addition, companies mobilize their economic ability to finance activities
lobbying and hire the services of technicians and experts to prepare favorable proposals
their interests and defend their positions in legislative and administrative matters. In the three
recent decades has been a high turnover among state administration and industry
Larger private, evidence of the close ties existing between economic elites
and technocratic state elites. It notes, for example, that after leaving their
public service, labor fate of several ministers, top officials of the Bank
Central, super-mayors, deputy secretaries become part of business directories
and banks or take on executive roles in major national and foreign companies operating
in Chile. In contrast, little known state authorities after taking their
public service will advise unions and civil society organizations.
The economic system also relies on the powerful institutional support
provided by the 1980 Constitution that requires super majorities to enact legislation
economic and creation of public companies introduce more competition into the system
AFP or ISAPRES to name a few. One of the objectives of the 1980 constitution
It is to keep the system free of threats neoliberal progressive and equitable reform.

CHILE FOR ECONOMIC DEMOCRACY: A NECESSARY TRANSFORMATION
This situation is incompatible with any degree of economic democracy characterized
for a more equitable and fair productive assets and financial ownership of the economy
and more even distribution of the economic surplus generated by a growing economy.
Also in a society organized around the principles of economic democracy there
a fair balance between the return on equity, productive capital payment and remuneration
work, considering the latter as the main source of value creation have expressed
and national income and wealth in the economy. In this new model, the social sectors,
cultural and productive activities of a strategic nature are mainly publicly owned
and structured around the values ​​of universality, equity and solidarity and sustainability.
Additionally economic democracy promotes active citizen participation, on a personal level
and collectively, in economic, social and institutional decisions that affect them.

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In contrast, in Chile today, major policy decisions and economic decisions
They were mainly taken at three levels:
i.



ii.

iii.




















Mainly by the government, Ministry of Finance and the Central Bank, an autonomous entity
supposedly independent of public or private pressures. These two institutions are
usually handled by economic technocrats with high decision-making power but with a
minimum need for accountability to citizens for their actions.
For an unrepresentative, subject to very low levels of public approval and parliament
permanent accusations permeability lobby in approving the laws of the Republic.
For large companies and conglomerates who decide without further scrutiny
public, key issues such as investment policies, working conditions in companies,
salaries of CEOs, middle managers and workers, location
production plants, how to interact with local communities and impacts
environmental impacts of its operations and projects. Most of these decisions in the sector
Private are taken in the comfortable and convenient opacity of corporate boards,
by paying managers and directors representing a small group of
Shareholders owning dominant position. It is interesting to ask how many
workers' representatives and civil society are in the directories of the AFP,
that manage pension funds of millions of Chileans and feel no need
to give a voice to people in these directories. In another area, know how Chileans
on the amount of the budgets allocated to the Armed Forces every year? How much influence
people, not just politicians in the parliament, resources for health,
education and public transport? How Chileans know the policies of the
Copper companies, main natural resource of the country? In the current Chilean society, youth,
consumers, employees, housewives, self-employed,
entrepreneurs and small and medium producers and community members are
notably absent from the decision-making process, although they are naturally
affected by them. The level of information and explanation of how they make important
economic and social decisions is minimal.

Therefore, a true economic reform advanced to overcome neoliberalism requires
institutional changes of prime importance in a number of areas such as labor law, code
mining, tax reform, replacing the current privatized pension system and health reform
educational and others.
However, this requires a constitutional change to eliminate the current system of qualified majority
need to pass these legal reforms, which are virtually impossible to achieve within the
current binomial system. Therefore a constitutional process to draft a new constitution
it is a necessary step to introduce economic reforms necessary for real change
advance economic democracy to Chile.

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5

Political democracy and economic democracy are mutually complementary sides
synergistic to generate a genuinely democratic society. Limited democracy, with
excessive influence of money in politics, a discredited parliament and the media
communication in the hands of the dominant economic power, all facets describing the regime
current institutional as we have today in the country, it is functional to the preservation model
neoliberal concentration of economic power in a small elite and high inequality and exclusion
social. Therefore, to overcome neoliberalism must be undertaken simultaneously in the form
institutional reforms and far-reaching economic reforms supported by a broad base of
social and political support.

THREE LINES OF OUR APPROACH ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL
This section of the document propose three axes upon which rests our economic proposal
and social:
Axis I. Recovering national sovereignty over our natural resources, especially copper and
Water.
Axis II. Promoting a new strategy of productive, modern and desconcentradora development.
Axis III. A rights-based social program with universal access to services such as education,

health and social welfare.
Then the main components of a social and productive oriented program are identified
move towards greater degrees of economic democracy and sources of financing and tax
spending to maintain fiscal balance in the strategy of economic democratization.

Axis I: Recovering national sovereignty over our natural resources
Copper industry
The main natural resource for Chile is copper, a metal high-value uses in the
industry, housing, construction and other activities. About half of the copper resources
the planet are in our territory. The importance of preserving this nonrenewable resource for
Chilean nation was reflected in the unanimous decision of the National Congress adopted in 1971 that gave
the Chilean state tuition and ownership of this resource. Apparently they have some general
managed to get hold dominion over the Chilean state copper in the 1980 constitution
resisting the privatization effort of economic technocracy of military rule. This is stated in the
Current State Constitution Article 19, Paragraph 24, Section 5, which states:
"The State has absolute, exclusive, inalienable and imprescriptible domain over all mines,
it being understood guano deposits, metalliferous sands, salt, deposits
coal and hydrocarbons and other fossil substances, with the exception of superficial clays,
however the property of natural and legal persons of the land in which the
They above should. The surface properties are subject to the obligations and limitations that
law to facilitate exploration, exploitation and processing of such mines. "

1. The attitude of the current Chilean government not to invoke Article 19 of the Constitution (in its paragraph 24, supra) in the last
negotiations with Anglo-American illustrates the approach followed with multinationals by the national government.

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6

It is clear, then, the mandate of the current constitution: the state as representative of the nation
Chile, has absolute priority over the use and exploitation of the mineral resource. Reality from
the 1980s to the present has been, however, very different. Under the Mining Code,
legal set without further constitutional legitimacy by openly contradicting the above text
the State Constitution (legal letter ruling over other laws, including those of range
Constitution) includes a set of clauses and provisions for extremely generous
foreign and domestic companies wishing to invest in the sector cobre.1 This code has granted
million hectares concessions, claiming a patent for very low value, any citizen
or national or foreign entity, which potentially allows to prospect and exploit copper.
In addition, the Chilean parliament, in a systematic pattern of legislative approval of laws always
favorable to large private sector, legislated tax stability for large private mining
copper. This invariance, predictably, is very favorable to the multinationals.
Chile is among the few countries in the world established a "royalty" applied to utilities, which
reality is a specific tax on these and no real royalty that applies to the value of production
or physical removal of the mineral as is done in other copper-producing countries in the world.
The results of this tax legal framework helped by high copper prices have contributed
generate higher profits for companies. Thus, in 2011 while 10 private copper companies
leading obtained total consolidated income of US $ 12,038,000 paid only for
royalty concept of US $ 660 million.
In recent decades, the copper industry has experienced a growing process of denationalization
and contrary to the fundamental and burdensome national interest letter to privatization. In 1990, CODELCO,
our national copper company, represented about two thirds of the total production of
sector; Twenty three years later CODELCO represents less than a third of this. However, the
CODELCO contribution to the treasury far exceeds the contribution of the large private mining. Thus,
in 2011, CODELCO's contribution to the treasury was US $ 6.981 million, while the contribution of
the 10 largest private mining was US $ 5397 (first category more specific tax
utilities).
Although approved a law on corporate governance for the company in 2009, CODELCO
maintained in a permanent state of financial dependence on the government of the day that the
becomes vulnerable and dependent on the decisions of every Finance Minister to obtain the
necessary funding for their production expansion plans at a time of increasing competition
national and international in the copper sector, higher labor costs, energy and low in
ore grades. CODELCO-financial lacks autonomy. This is one company that has been
treated by governments as a fiscal resource provider entity and not as a
strategic company, leader in the copper industry over multinationals. On the contrary, lack of
empowerment by various governments, creates a corporate weakening it
very convenient for those seeking privatization.
Foreign companies have invested in copper in our country have developed a strategy
aimed at maximizing corporate profits favoring short-term production and
Export of crude oil, ie the extraction and export of raw copper leveraging high
This metal prices over the past six to seven years. Copper multinationals have not opened
no copper refinery or have invested in creating the necessary capacities for the development and
refined mineral. They are not interested to help create a national copper industry in Chile that
characterized by a high value added in production, generating jobs, technology development

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7

and production chains at regional and national level. Domina in their actions criteria
Private short-term profitability and underinvestment in refining and metal chains
production and technology with other sectors of the Chilean economy. The Chilean State remains
without a known promotion copper contribution to national development strategy.
In particular we propose:
1.


2.








Establishment of a national policy aimed at promoting Copper Development
National defining the key parameters of a production strategy, investment plans,
relationship with communities, respecting the environment and natural resources of the environment.
Enforcing the spirit of the Constitution of the State granting the primacy of
Chilean nation, through the state, on the copper resources, accompanied by a
review and repeal of the current Mining Code and its replacement by a new mining law
of the Republic. This new mining law should be subject to an extensive process of deliberation
citizen, final and ultimate owner of the mineral resources of the country and be
aimed at substantially increasing the copper contribution to national development and not
to facilitate obtaining high profits of transnational corporations that are after
Chile sent off paying lower taxes.

3.


Four.



5.

6.


7.

8.
9.

Review and amend the current corporate governance law redefining its CODELCO
mission as the leading copper company strategic sector, establishing its
financial autonomy from the Ministry of Finance.
Raising the percentage of CODELCO copper mining at a level not less than 50
percent within five years with the potential to grow over time to levels more
high to reverse the process of denationalization and privatization of the copper mining
that has characterized the period of transition to democracy in our country.
Priority in the New Mining Law public-private agreements in the form of 51
percent publicly owned and 49 percent in private copper mining.
Setting ethical standards for community development and copper mining
aimed at stimulating a style of respectful, friendly and participatory growth with
local communities, local agriculture, water use and control of their polluting effects.
Strengthening Small and Medium Scale Copper with creditico support, institutional and
technical assistance from the state.
Prioritize the exploitation of lithium by the Chilean State.
Elimination of funding for 10 percent of CODELCO based on the gross revenues of CODELCO.

WATER
A country can live without oil, copper and other metals and minerals but can not do
without water. Water is a strategic resource for fully human survival.
Also faces increasing demands on its use by mining, agriculture,
hydropower generating companies and of course homes. Again Chile
He became a "special case" by giving internationally in the privatization wave
the 1980s, water rights practically free some generating companies
energy (which were first privatized national and later sold to foreigners) and
private conglomerates that had the contacts and the insider made of
these resources. A foreign company owns about 80 percent of the rights

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8

of water in the country, which gives it a special competitive advantage, compliments of the Chilean State,
to establish mega-hydroelectric plants in areas such as Patagonia, personified in
Hidroaysén project. Patagonia is one of the largest reserves of fresh water
humanity and an area rich in resources and unparalleled scenic beauty. In their eagerness
inexhaustible the owners to profit water companies want to build plants
hydropower in a place like this. Also, the concentration of ownership
of water rights in the hands of corporate, national or foreign sector means that the current
priority in the use of this resource is for commercial purposes (for mining, agricultural enterprises or
Large energy) and not for home, small and medium-scale agriculture and poor communities
in the countryside and the city.
The energy challenge facing Chile is serious and we must establish a balance between sources
renewable and non-renewable and clean technologies among others.
In view of the foregoing we propose:
1.


2.




Establishment of the strategic nature of water as a resource staples
and subsequent reversal of the Chilean state-owned water rights delivered
private to cost close to zero in the privatization of the eighties.
Defining a new water concession system, with due legislative scrutiny
and civil society, based on criteria of social equity, without privileging, as in
Currently, only private profitability, and considering the conditions of
sustainability of medium and long-term water resources.

Axis II: Strategy development and modern production desconcentradora
The Chilean economy has a productive structure has several problems, some of
which they have been accentuated by the absence of a productive development policy.
This sector exhibits several features such as:
1.
2.


3.
Four.












A heavy reliance on Chilean export structure of non-renewable natural resources.
An industry that has suffered from a persistent appreciation of the real exchange rate and has
It has been exposed to very difficult conditions to compete with products
manufactured in China, Vietnam and other Asian countries with low labor costs.
The lack of industry knowledge intensive domestic value added.
A large expansion of services such as trade, finance and other sectors
oriented "financialization" of the economy and a consumer culture. Chile faces
a dual production structure with large companies that generate a substantial part
production and sales to the domestic and foreign markets but with limited capacity
employment generation in the aggregate economy. The larger companies
enjoy favorable access to credit, technology and markets (internal and external)
given its scale of production. In contrast, in the country a large sector companies
Smaller formed by micro, small and medium production units
generate about 80 percent of total employment in the economy, although their contribution
GDP is much lower than the big companies. These companies receive little support
State, they have chronic difficulties of access to credit for working capital and investment
and / or the cost of this credit is very expensive and short terms. The attempt to maintain

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9





"Neutral production policies" in a highly unequal context between companies
different size has very adversely affected SMEs and strengthened the
largest companies in the country.

According to a study by the CONUPIA based on statistics provided by the Service
Internal Revenue, between 1998 and 2010 companies with annual sales of over one million
UF (mega-companies) increased their share of total sales from 49.5 percent to 67.5
percent. In contrast, the share of micro-enterprises (those with annual sales between
0 and 2500 UF) had a reduction of 2 percent, SMEs 7 percent and even large
company (with sales of 100 thousand to one million UF) reduced its stake by 17 percent in the
same period. Only mega-companies increased their share in total sales between
1998 and 2010, another indicator of the growing concentration and monopolization of production
the Chilean economy, all the indifference and inaction of the Chilean State.
The current level of economic concentration can be illustrated with some additional data:

·
·
·
·


Only three banks account for over 55 percent of loans in the banking system,
a high rate for any international standard.
Three pharmacy chains control more than 90 percent of the ownership of pharmacies in the country.
Six AFP spread over about eight million members.
Seven ISAPRES control the private health market, operating, as stated
above, on a high vertical integration model, based on controlling positions
clinics and providers of medical supplies.

Furthermore, economic conglomerates have also ventured heavily on property
of the media such as TV, newspapers and radio. These oligopolistic structures and
monopolists are sources of high returns for economic groups, encourage collusion
prices and a culture of consumer abuse, workers and SMEs through policies
payments and imposing unfavorable conditions for these purchases. However, this
market concentration is highly profitable for larger companies. According to
Superintendency of Securities and Insurance, based on information provided by the FECUS
same companies, in the first quarter of 2013 earnings of the top 50 companies
Private country sorted profitability reached about US $ 24,000 million,
or nearly 10 percent of GDP.
The anti-monopoly legislation is ineffective to stop these processes and regulation
the competition is weak and condescending with large companies and mega-companies.
State institutions historically aimed at promoting SMEs and the Bank of
State 2 and CORFO are ineffective in this area. Both institutions operate with criteria
predominantly private and not a logical development of the national production.
In recent years it has become important policies as called pro-entrepreneurship
almost magical recipe to encourage entrepreneurship and boost production innovation.
Although entrepreneurship is healthy and necessary and there have been some achievements
to reduce bureaucracy of permits, the quantitative effects of entrepreneurship policies

2 Renamed in a logic of anti-state subliminally advertising marketing as State Bank at the beginning of the 2000s.

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10

in the world of Chilean production companies it seems to be still very low and in many cases
it is at the expense of neglecting the needs of existing companies in their chronic problems
to obtain working capital, technological upgrading and technical assistance needs.
It is also necessary to examine the impact of these policies on sustainable over time,
Real technological and creative contribution of the new companies created under these policies.
Our main proposals in the area of ​​productive development and deconcentration
markets are:
1.






2.


3.
Four.


5.


6.

7.

8.



9.





Define a national policy for productive development goals of medium and long term
intensity of added value, technological capacity, employment and linkages
production, prioritizing support for smaller companies. This policy will be
guided by criteria of diversification of the national production structure. Redefinition
corporate mission CORFO and Banco Estado, reducing bias privatista
today, transforming them into public institutions genuinely promotion criteria
development.
Enhancing the role of SMEs as job creators productive entities and
income opportunities for the middle class, reversing its current disadvantage compared to
large dominant firms in oligopolistic markets.
Encourage autonomous and independent undertaking economic conglomerates.
Develop a strategy of inclusion of Chile in the knowledge economy
human capital and mobilizing domestic and foreign talent. (See proposal Clusters
Ana Maria Molina).
Define an effective policy to promote competition to reduce barriers to
Input promoted by dominant firms, particularly in banking, administration
pension funds, private health, pharmacies and other oligopolistic and concentrated sectors.
Review of current antitrust law including mergers and
strengthening of the court of competition and national economic prosecutor.
Support for civil society in its audit work and popular control
and monopolistic abuses by companies either public or private practices.
Submit a bill to substantially modify existing quorums that
prevent creating public enterprises, which in practice has served to ensure the absence of
competition in markets and niches dominated by private oligopolies of great power
economic, media and lobbying capacity.
Create a Strategic Area of ​​Public Property (APPE) in sectors such as copper and
lithium, water, energy, medicine and food made up new companies
State, with goals and outcomes subject to broad citizen control and supervised by the
Parliament, which counterbalance the excessive concentration of economic power in the hands of
private business conglomerates.

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eleven

Axis III. Social policy based on criteria of universality, solidarity and rights
As we have previously mentioned the Chilean society and its citizens have suffered
application, initiated in Dictatorship and its continuation in post-dictatorship of privatization ideas and
commodification where less are: education, health and pensions. The
results of replacing the criteria of universality, solidarity and rights in the provision of services
social and market goods substitution as guided by profit providers are the
view and led (synthetically) to:

EDUCATION
(to)

(B)


(C)
(D)


(E)

(F)

(G)

(H)


The absence of the Universal Right to Education, understanding why the access, quality and
gratuitousness of this right.
A system of pre-school, primary, secondary and higher education and highly segregated
segmented on the supply of educational services is based on ability to
families pay and play exacerbating structural inequality in society.
A system of pre-school, primary and secondary education that enables profit from public funds.
A persistent and deliberate process of deterioration of public education weakening
a fundamental mechanism for equal opportunities, promoting mobility
social, knowledge acquisition, socialization and integration for large segments of the population.
A high cost of both public and private education without guarantees of receiving
quality education which also ensures good employment opportunities.
D a quality accreditation system which is not binding and does not require the development of
lines of research and extension centers, in over fifty Chilean universities.
A high indebtedness of college credit concept of a significant fraction
Chilean families.
The existence of a system private universities, largely intended to obtain
Profit incompatible with their legal regime of private non-profit corporations.

BLESS YOU
(to)

(B)

(C)

(D)

(E)
(F)

(G)



The absence of the Universal Right to Health, understanding why access, quality and comprehensiveness
of the service.
A model of health based on demand subsidies and outsourcing of
Health services.
A hospital infrastructure deficit and simultaneously a significant capacity idle
existing hospital grounds.
The absence of a policy for regulating drug prices, ensure the prescription
and generic drug distribution throughout the country.
A growing segmentation in access to health according to ability to pay affiliate.
Chronic waiting lists for surgeries and other treatments in the public system
(FONASA).
Widespread discrimination and exclusion in the coverage of health services
ISAPRES the private system by age of (possible) affiliate, gender, vulnerability
and pre-existing diseases.

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12

(H)


(I)

Persistent rising costs of health plans offered by the ISAPREs, in
especially elderly people, which is when they most need these services, which
evidence the dysfunctional system.
Soaring profits earned by owners ISAPRES.

PENSIONS
(to)
(B)



(C)


(D)



(E)


(F)


(G)
(H)


(I)





(J)

(K)



The absence of the universal right to a decent pension and solidarity.
Growing social delegitimization AFP system due to the absence of co-responsibility.
While AFP generate large profits, funds recorded negative returns,
without any incentives to improve the management and without the AFP become responsible for
Eventual bad management.
Low AFP pension system with replacement rates of the order of 30-35 percent
for most affiliates. The average rate in the OECD this is close to 70
percent and was what was promised to the citizens, by creating this system.
High costs of administration, ranging between 7% and 24% of savings
Individual (contributions) made monthly, according to AFP, corresponding
advertising expenses, sales forces, AFP system offices and other items that are
reduced funded commissions.
Existence of a private monopoly of management of pension funds
population by the AFP without the possibility of a public pillar, except for pensions
Armed forces and police.
In contrast to a PAYG system it works with capitalization benefits
not-defined for pensioners, which are subject to the vagaries of the markets
where stock and bond are invested significant proportions of AFP funds.
The actual amount of the pension received by the members.
High profits earned by AFP in contrast to lower pensions received by
affiliates. The year 2012 these earnings amounted to US $ 600 million to be divided among
six companies.
Using funded pension system as a savings mechanism
forced to transfer resources of large sections of the population to economic groups.
It is estimated that about US $ 43,000 million fund workers
given the AFP is invested in 10 companies and 10 banks high scale
economic. Moreover nearly US $ 50,000 million of funds in the system are
placed outside funding the economic development of other countries.
Lack of mechanisms for employee participation and civil society
management of their pension funds.
Growing social delegitimization AFP system due to the absence of co-responsibility.
While AFP generate large profits, funds recorded negative returns,
without any incentives to improve management.

GUIDELINES AND PROPOSALS
In response to these problems we propose the following guidelines and measures (not a list
exhaustive) in the areas of education, health and pensions.

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13

EDUCATION
1. Ensuring the universal right to education, that is public, free and quality education.
2. Reorienting education towards training people. The purpose of education is
be whole persons, not form human capital. A good education is the
allows students in the ethical, emotional, intellectual, physical, spiritual,
aesthetic, artistic and social.
3. Implement a training evaluation model focused on the learning process, and
using various evaluation procedures.
4. In school education:
to.
Remove the shared financing in particular escuales subsidized.
b.
Increase school grants as tuition assistance and not after, in high schools

tax and subsidized.
c.
End profits in subsidized individuals, that receive public funding.
5. Higher education:
to.
Gratuity state universities.
b.
Differentiated tariffs for private universities.
c.
Accreditation mandatory and binding.
6. Strengthening the mission of universities as institutions of higher education
work aimed at teaching, research and outreach conducted in
a pluralistic, tolerant and non-discriminatory.
7. Suspension / review of the delivery of public resources, whether direct or indirect, to
universities pursuing profit and practices that are not dictating races
They provide adequate labor integration graduates.
8. Regulation of pre-school, primary and secondary private education system, ensuring
inclusion and non-discrimination by student social origin, marital status of
parents, religious preferences and other criteria.
9. Regulation of private universities system ensuring that the law is enforced
It prohibits profit in these establishments, abolishing transfer pricing practices,
property companies related or otherwise.
10.Elaboración of a national code of academic career for teachers and academics from
private and public universities aimed at guaranteeing job security and respect
the diversity of ideas and plurality of thought. Evaluation according to background and
academic productivity, research and extension activities.
11. Creation of a Ministry of Science and Technology, whose mission is to promote and finance
High research and development of regional poles of research.


BLESS YOU
1. The incorporation into the Constitution the Universal Right to Health, namely access, quality,
integrity, solidarity and gratuity.
2. Ending the outsourcing model of health services, which weakens health
public and constitutes a transfer of funds to the private sector.
3.Strengthen PHC (Primary Health Care), and evaluating their demunicipalization
retaining the status of workers who work there.

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14

4. Create a Universal Health Plan, a cooperative that is not profit-oriented system as
the present system.
5. Finish with the practices and mechanisms of exclusion in isapres based on pre-existing,
age limit, vulnerabilities and other grounds.
6. Develop a New Drug Policy:
to.
Creation of a National Drug Laboratory.
b.
Reinstatement of the prescription by generic name.
c.
Development and promotion of community pharmacies and evaluate creation of public pharmacies.

PENSIONS
1. Replacement of the unique system of AFP by a mixed public-private system in
which coexist distribution system, called contributory solidarity pillar, and a system
individual capitalization, to ensure a higher level of pensions for the population
retirement age, substantially reducing the costs of commissions and the payment of a
high return rentier character of the AFP system. The State will take a leading role and guiding
in the new system and the proportion of defined pension increase substantially.
2. The State will catch mandatory contributions from employees. Meanwhile, workers
who they wish may supplement their initial pension, trading and voluntarily
Further, in pension fund managers.
3. E stablish a cap on commissions charged by the AFP for costs of
administration. The AFP must compete for lower fees and better services,
respecting that range.
4. Develop the principle of co responsibility AFP. In the event of negative returns
for more than three months, it is proposed that the AFP take their share of
responsibility for the mishandling of investments, distributing part of its profits.
5. Regular foreign investment. Considering the successive and recent economic crises
international as well as the lack of regulation in financial markets,
imperative to reduce the exposure of private funds to financial swings
international. The new delivery system is structured around the IPS (former INP)
that operate as collection agency and paying pensions.
6. The delivery system would be funded on a tripartite basis with employee contributions
and workers, employers (business) and state contributions.
7. capitalization component to a larger number of investment companies would open,
that the current system of the AFP, could manage these pension funds and would
subject to state regulations regarding the riskiness of investments
pension funds, level of committees and types of assets in which they can invest
pension funds, as noted above.

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fifteen

PROGRAMS AND FUNDING.
A strategy for economic and social transformations involve a set of Chile
social and productive development programs to be financed in a responsible and
through an equitable tax reform and other adjustments in public spending, including a
some reduction in military spending. In this paper three major programs are distinguished
(See tables in Appendix A.2 of this document):
(to)


(B)

(C)

An education program in advance in free public education to different
levels, which, in regime, it would cost approximately US $ 6,500 million
(2.5 percent of GDP).
An expansion program of public health and improved pensions
US $ 3,900 million (1.5 percent of GDP).
A program of productive development and innovation of US $ 2,600 million (1 percent of GDP).

The combined resources of the three programs amounts to 5 percent of GDP. We envision that this
program financed by additional resources from the following sources:
1. Increased taxation of private copper mining including royalty and taxation
1st category to national and foreign private companies (raise US $ 2,000
millions; 0.77 percent of GDP).
2. Payment of 1st category tax on an accrual basis, eliminating the current distinction
distributed between profits and retained earnings (FUT) (raise US $ 4,500 million;
1.73 percent of GDP).
3. An increase of 20 to 26 percent of the 1st category tax charged to businesses
on an accrual basis (raise US $ 1,000 million, 0.38 percent of GDP).
4. Establishment of a financial wealth tax of 1 percent for people with
Net liquid assets (excluding houses) exceeding one million dollars, raising US $
900 million; 0.38 percent of GDP).
5. Reduction of military spending of US $ 1,300 million (0.5 percent of GDP), currently
As noted earlier in this document this military spending as a percentage of GDP,
one of the highest in Latin America and higher than our neighboring countries.
6. Taxes on fossil fuels (raise US $ 1,000 million and represents 0.33
percent of GDP).
7. Reduction of exemptions ("tax expenditure") for US $ 2,300 million (0.88 percent of GDP).

Boston Consulting Group (2013) Global Wealth Markets-Database.
Superintendency of Securities and Insurance.
5 Cochilco and Superintendency of Securities and Insurance.
3

4

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ANNEX
TABLE A.1.
Economic surplus of Large Enterprises and Families
Liquid High Wealth


US million

Value financial wealth of families with more than
US $ 1 million (excluding real estate)

89,506

TABLE A.2.
Programs and Financing
Software
Item


Education
Health and Pensions
Productive Development
Total

Amount in US
millions
6,500
3,900
2,600
13,000

% Of GDP
2.50
1.50
1.0
50

Note: a GDP of US $ 260,000 million is assumed.

FINANCING
Font





Amount in US
millions

% Of GDP

Royalty and taxes to the Great Copper Mine
Category 1 pay taxes on an accrual basis
1st class tax increase
companies from 20% to 26%
1% tax on financial wealth
Reducing Military Spending
Tax on fossil fuels
Reducing exemptions (tax expenditure)

2,000
4,500

0.77
1.73

1000

9 o'clock
1,300
1000
2,300

0.38
0.35
0.50
0.38
0.88

Total

13,000

50



Source: Own estimates
Note: a GDP of US $ 260,000 million is assumed

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PARTNERSHIP

Alejandra Botitnelli

Jorge Cienfuegos

Miguel Márquez

Alvaro Miranda

Jorge Farias

Miguel Prieto

Andres Solimano

Jorge Vergara

Paul Labbé

Arturo Duclos

Juan Carlos Urquidi

Patricia Morales

Beatriz Stager

Juan Gumucio

Patricia Peña

Berna Castro

Juan Casassus

Patrick Hermann

Lagos Camilo

Juan Valenzuela

Oriele Nuñez

Carlos Ominami

Maia Seeger

Rafael Urriola

Ciro Colombara

Manuel Baquedano

Rainer Hauser

Claudia Perez

Manuel Ipinza

Raul Requena

Claudia Rodriguez

Manuela Gumucio

Rodrigo Chauriye

Cristian Galaz

Maria Pia Matta

Rodrigo Urzúa

Daniel Flores

Marcelo Lepe

Samuel Jimenez

Edgardo Bruna

Marcos Ortiz

Sandra Valenzuela

Federico Stager

Marisol Vera

Ortiz Varinia

Felipe Fuenzalida

Matias Negrete

Victor Hugo Carrasco

Fernando Gonzalez

Mauricio Electorat

Waldo Lopez

Jaime Parada

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GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

]

]

SUSTAINABLE ENERGY POLICY

The current public policy on energy and environment does not consider this issue as a challenge
strategic for the country's security. The governments of the Alliance and the Coalition have abdicated
to rule the national energy development, and its policies are deteriorating and the territory
compromising the future of Chile.
It has been said in the past that high energy prices are necessary to fund plants
Alternative fuels have higher capital and operating costs. Neither one nor
the other. There is no such real political alternative fuels, and substantive part of the high cost of
energy in Chile has to do with the oligopoly and lack of competition in the sector. Is
situation has been allowed by an inefficient let regulator, plus the high price
off balance outrageous deadlines, industry behave irresponsibly with
environment, and download some of their costs as pollution and environmental degradation.
Electrical oligopolies capture and hinder opportunities to expand the energy matrix,
preventing the formation and strengthening of an effective market for renewable energy and use
efficient and sustainable energy options.
It is not a relative energy independence that is required. They should look to the long term
effectively commit to the future of Chile, expanding and diversifying our matrix, and
betting strong renewables way.
Is cash urgently require measures to manage increased security of supply.
There are tools to do it, but
unfortunately they have been hampered by the incompetence of the authorities of the sector,
particularly in regulatory matters.
We know that without energy there is no economic growth, let alone development.
We are also convinced that the required energy should be clean and sustainable; It is our
greater security challenge as a country. It is not just about security of supply, as indicated
owners of monopoly. It is also about safety in terms of cost, sustainability
environmental, productive balance in the regions. In short: it is the ecology of security
human, that is our dream.
No one wants a power black out, but also an ecological disaster that will transform our
land territory inert, lifeless, because we did not have the caution or care produce
energy responsibly sustainably.
Chile lacks energy policy today. Instead they have adopted imitations of electricity policy, which
in practice they have proved a market policy based only on supply, and expansion
physics of a system that does not even guarantee the security of supply, demand and ignores leaves
users and the environment as their hostages.

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You need dissociating itself from conventional proposals that have prevailed until now
They have resulted in greater environmental vulnerability, loss of competitiveness, impacts
severe and increasing environmental costs for users. a set of measures is required
innovative ways to address energy and climate challenges in a sustainable way.
This will have to change the rules of the energy game: change the criteria sell more energy,
more win, prevailing in the energy markets, one of sustainable energy efficiency: a
better use of energy, the more we win all.
You must also change the tariffed and forming processes energy prices; smooth
access to sustainable energy and pollution as well as the allocation of subsidies
these energies; change the methods and perspectives environmental assessment of megaprojects
energy, and spend manipulating people to participatory processes citizenship
sharing informed decisions on energy megaprojects that affect the lives
across the country.
In sum, the rules change means changing the look from public policies to
they assume that the solution to the energy challenges going through a positive and intelligent combination
between supply and demand measures, articulated with strategies for sustainable development.

DIAGNOSIS
The energy mix today
Described by the International Energy Agency (IEA) as one of the most dependent countries in the world, Chile
energy matrix has a strongly "carbonized" and although relatively diversified increasingly
dependent and vulnerable. Imports in this sector are alarmingly high and rising. By
example, 98% of crude oil is imported; 84% coal and 60% of natural gas (CNE, 2011).
The national energy development is also accompanied by other critical indicators:








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Strong concentration on the electricity markets, gas and petroleum.
Perverse logic of "sell more, earn more," no matter where the use of energy and is excluded from
facto its efficiency and energy saving.
Sustained increases in energy prices and abnormal returns, irrespective
crisis situations.
Sustained increase in emissions, both global (greenhouse gases, GHG) as
local (particles, etc.) and environmental impacts on ecosystems and territories.
More than thirty cities from the VI to XI region, classified as saturated zones or
dormant for fine particle (PM 2.5) or thick (PM 10), for use in bad wood (wet) with severe
health impacts.
Zero concern for public and private research and development (R & D) applied and scarce
supporting technological innovation.

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To achieve development requires sustained growth of the Chilean economy. Indeed,
between 1986 and 2010, Chile has grown at a rate of 5.4% (7.4% in 1986-1998 and 3.3% in 1999-2009).
Since 2009, and especially during the years 2010 and 2011, our country has recovered
ability to grow at high rates, with a production sector responding vigorously and with a
very active economy, which in turn has brought with positive results in terms of employment. In
Indeed, the Chilean economy to accumulate a projected 2011 growth of 6.3%, showing most
sectors expanded strongly.
To the extent that our country grows, the more energy required. Consequently, the challenge of Chile today
It is sufficient and competitive energy resources to support that development. Indeed, the
Energy is an essential input for society; access and supply directly influence
in the social and economic growth, and consequently in reducing poverty. The lack of
access to reliable sources and energy networks is certainly a dangerous limitation for
sustainable social progress, for economic growth and the welfare of the population.
The country now has an installed capacity of around 17,000 MW distributed in two systems,
Central Interconnected System (SIC) with 73%, the Northern Interconnected System (SING)
with 26% and the rest into two smaller systems in Aysén and Magallanes.
The projected demand of electricity consumption shows a growth of between 6 and 7% in 2020
which it will mean about 100,000 GWh of total demand for electricity to power that year. According to these
projections, will require increasing the supply, only in that period, more than 8,000 MW in new
generation projects. Of course, all this calculation is based on nothing changes at all
remains the same and is just a problem of volume.
Chile is a country importer of energy resources, particularly fossil fuels, whose high
Prices have increased the marginal costs of power generation and, consequently,
electricity price. But no real strategic plan comes before this reality.
Negawatts O NEGAJULIOS: MORE WITH LESS
Spearhead of a new energy policy is the efficient use of energy and clean energy
and greens that include measures to manage demand and especially
those of a structural nature aimed at changing patterns of consumption especially in
energy intensive sectors.
This makes perfect sense because the best "energy" options are not in the energy sector,
but in the type of cities that develop, promote efficient housing construction
and industrial and production processes that we promote.
The current state of affairs suffers from strong and consistent about instruments. Speaking of
changing consumption patterns, explicit policies to encourage industrial processes alluded
less voracious in energy and water, to encourage more thermally efficient construction, and
encourage the development of cities sustainably designed.

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RENEWABLE ENERGY
By 2025 we should have 30% of the energy matrix based on renewable energies. At
electricity sector must encourage, by the year 2025, the existence of more than 10,000 MW, and
15,000 MW by 2030 from renewable energy sources, with emphasis on small and medium
water resources, development and promotion of cogeneration and distributed generation, among others
measures.
SUSTAINABLE WOOD PROGRAM
An important part of the energy consumed by the population in certain regions
It comes from wood. It should develop a program of sustainable wood-based development
drying facilities, collection and exchange of firewood. This in turn should encourage the replacement of artifacts, the
thermal conditioning of homes, training of people, small businesses and
users in the use of biomass in all its forms and, finally, using incentives within the
prerogatives of municipalities, in the granting of building permits, and reward
better thermal coefficient. This program should be temporary until a program is implemented
long-range energy, allowing to limit the effects of forest clearing.
SUSTAINABLE TRANSPORTATION PROGRAM
The few estimates made about future energy consumption in Chile accuse the
transport sector as the most voracious: 40% by 2030. Despite these figures, the questions as to what
transport and energy sources must mobilize cargo and passengers have no response
the State. The progressive movement favors the development of a public transport system,
sustainable, complying with environmental quality standards and energy efficiency in the
service. This requires the development of pilot projects in various areas of the country it will be encouraged from
hydrogen and new technologies and the adoption of various instruments of urban development and
space to encourage new forms of urban organization under sustainable development criteria.
Create ENAE (National Energy Company)
The above measures require leadership by the State. One of the institutional forms
in the Chilean case could assume this leadership is the development of a state enterprise, ENAE
(National Energy Company), intended to open up markets with high risks, nor the company
Private, or the current state (Corfo) are unable or unwilling to assume. The timing is also conducive
to overturn the wrong dynamic imposed frustrated and ENAP in recent decades and
So take advantage of experiences, skills and infrastructure.
RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENT FOR ENERGY
Chile is the OECD country that spends fewer resources on research and development (0.5% and 2.4%
GDP in 2010, respectively). This energy investment is practically nil. The country does not exceed
energy dependence and vulnerability conditions are generated to create, develop and
boosting new sources, methods, business models, better and more transparent markets,
as a scientist and qualified for the development of new technical personnel options.

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The Progressive Movement aims to design an R & D focused on the development of energy
sustainable, pointing to a supply of safe and clean energy, to face the
Climate change and its consequences. All stakeholders will be invited to contribute
in meeting objectives, especially large companies exempt until
obligations in this area. The program will be the responsibility of the State pointed out both in its management
and compliance.
CHANGING THE RULES OF THE GAME ENERGY
Whatever the technological option adopted to meet the growing energy demand
or electrical, necessarily must change the rules of energy markets and
particular, the electricity market: replace the more I sell more won by better use of the
energy, the more we win all.
Due to the current regulatory framework, Chile is now more dependent, more vulnerable and less competitive
that yesterday. Figures released by the Ministry of Energy itself realize it: Chile requires each
more energy per unit of product, good or service produced. Keeping this dynamic, and more
a big mistake, is a provocation. Remain citizens, SMEs and the environment
who bear the costs of such irresponsibility.
Changing the rules of the game means, among other things, changing ways of assessing environmentally
projects, use a different model to the current marginal cost today for setting tariffs
power, adopt a regulatory framework in the case of petroleum and gas, enter
environmental externalities in the evaluation of energy projects, change the water code and,
finally adopt a different look from the State, for the adoption of an energy policy
assume current and future challenges by establishing clear political responsibilities.

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

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PARTNERSHIP

Alejandra Botitnelli

Jorge Cienfuegos

Miguel Márquez

Alvaro Miranda

Jorge Farias

Miguel Prieto

Andres Solimano

Jorge Vergara

Paul Labbé

Arturo Duclos

Juan Carlos Urquidi

Patricia Morales

Beatriz Stager

Juan Gumucio

Patricia Peña

Berna Castro

Juan Casassus

Patrick Hermann

Lagos Camilo

Juan Valenzuela

Oriele Nuñez

Carlos Ominami

Maia Seeger

Rafael Urriola

Ciro Colombara

Manuel Baquedano

Rainer Hauser

Claudia Perez

Manuel Ipinza

Raul Requena

Claudia Rodriguez

Manuela Gumucio

Rodrigo Chauriye

Cristian Galaz

Maria Pia Matta

Rodrigo Urzúa

Daniel Flores

Marcelo Lepe

Samuel Jimenez

Edgardo Bruna

Marcos Ortiz

Sandra Valenzuela

Federico Stager

Marisol Vera

Ortiz Varinia

Felipe Fuenzalida

Matias Negrete

Victor Hugo Carrasco

Fernando Gonzalez

Mauricio Electorat

Waldo Lopez

Jaime Parada

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GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

]

]

WORK AND LABOR RIGHTS
The Chilean economy is showing strong economic growth. GDP per inhabitant nearby
$ 18,000 to places Chile among the countries of the world medium-high income. Poverty
absolute is moderate; while the significant increase in foreign direct investment and
a recognized political stability have bolstered the country's image, which has allowed it to be
considered the most competitive in Latin America according to Doing Business, World Bank.
It should also be recalled its full membership of the Organization for Cooperation and
Development (OECD).

These indicators of success of the Chilean economy have gone hand in hand and flexible process
deregulation of the labor market that greatly favored the private sector, particularly
companies belonging to the mining, retail, healthcare and financial system.
However, there is also a serious problem of unequal opportunities, income and
quality of life that results in increasing precariousness of employment and questioning
the quality of democracy. According to OECD reports, Chile boasts a last sad place
that group of countries in terms of inequality. The Report of the Programme of the United Nations
Development (PNUD 2011), points to Chile as one of the countries with the worst income distribution in
Latin America. This explains why job performance in recent years has shortcomings
Related dignified and decent work. The salaries remain low despite the
economy continues to grow and has increased the number of workers earning the minimum wage
in medium-sized companies. There are also high rates of informality and outsourcing, and
growing abuse in the use of multiple social reasons (Multi Ruth) in large companies.
The economic model, on the one hand, and the prevalence of uncompromising business class by another,
They have hindered the construction of a system of democratic, modern labor relations and
effective. The pressures to weaken the trade union action have become increasingly evident,
which explains in part the low rates of unionization and collective bargaining coverage.
Not enough growth to reduce inequality. As Progressive urges us create decent work
and strengthen social dialogue, key elements of a just society that does not necessarily
grouper off growth.
As expressed in a resolution of the ILO in 2007 "Wealth creation depends on the
productive interactions of all parts of society. Sustainable enterprises are a source
Main growth, wealth creation, employment and decent work ". It is essential to create an environment
to promote investment and entrepreneurship and the rights of workers to promote
creation, sustainable growth and blanketing companies.
This involves replacing the sense safeguarding labor law, which recognizes that relations
between capital and labor they are unequal, and that ethical and social sense of law lies in the defense
the weakest. The influence of the so-called "Labor Plan" (1979) former Minister of Labor
dictatorship, Jose Pinera E. continues in many aspects, particularly with regard to the
collective bargaining, the right to strike, the severance and other.

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Fragmentation and low rate of unionization
Chile has one of the lowest rates among OECD countries organizing: with 11.7%
better only than Estonia and several points is below 18% average. It also exhibits one of
the lowest rates in Latin America, behind Argentina (38%), Uruguay (27%) and Brazil (20%).
The most important cause of low membership has to do with the fear of workers, as
Labor Survey demonstrates the Labour Directorate (ENCLA 2008) stating that 42% of
workers surveyed states feel fear from reprisals.
More than 20 years of restored democracy, it is unacceptable that access to decent work
it looks conditioned by the fear of workers against their employers. He
fear and obligation to form company unions have led to the absurd situation
there are more unions and less unionized. In 1970 there were 4,862 unions grouped
to 556,649 workers. Three years later they increased to 6,697 unions representing
1,051,318 workers. In late 2011 12.127 unions representing were recorded at
898,365 workers. Indeed, since the implementation of Friedman's rates Labor Plan
unionization is constantly falling, while increasing fragmentation. Workers
union declined from 15.1% in 1991 to 11.7% in 2011, with clear gender differences: the
women are below the average.
The challenge for progressives is to expand the base to organize and bind assets unions
to one of the recognized Chilean unions. They do not represent more than 26% of the total
of active unions in the country, ie, 76% of organizations are "not aligned", which will
Power remains the union world. To broaden the base of unionization is necessary to reduce the "factor
fear "and create incentives according to the realities showing the economic situation.
SIMULATED COLLECTIVE BARGAINING AND SPRAY
Perhaps the greatest incentive to unionization is related to collective bargaining. By the way,
protection against bad business practices is another element to consider, but the possibility of
be represented in a process that seeks to increase wages and benefits is a powerful incentive
or should be.
The Chilean system of collective bargaining is the only one of a set of 53 countries (most OECD countries
appendices) where the transition from one level higher to a lower centralization, performed
in a context of repression: Labour Plan of military dictatorship. Since 1979 there is no negotiation
collectively by economic activity, since by law they can only bargain collectively
who belong to the same social reason that is, per company. Federations and confederations
sector are prevented from acting as subjects of bargaining.
The law states that "Collective bargaining will begin with the presentation of a draft
collective agreement or by the unions or negotiating groups of the enterprise ".
The procedure is established on the basis of a regulated contract or a semi-regulated and the
Currently, both the unions and the negotiating groups can invoke both procedures.
This situation has caused many internal conflicts in companies, since the modus operandi
the workplace is to encourage the negotiation of agreements with the negotiating groups
on the collective agreement that should be negotiated with the union.
Normally this process concludes with the "negotiation" of better conditions for the group
negotiator, whereby the participation of workers in the union is discouraged. It is appropriate
noted that the collective agreement is conditioned by the absence of jurisdiction for workers

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

3

involved and the right to strike. A total of 311,196 people involved in instruments
groups, 11.55% corresponds to Conventions.
Chile has adopted the model of negotiation of the United States and Japan, namely; negotiation
company. The point is that there is no abnormal Chilean union fragmentation in those countries where
the existence of more than 12,000 trade unions has led to an unrepresentative and process-based
bargaining units without pressure capability. In the background, a simulation of negotiation.
The results of the current model are disappointing. Considering a job working population
of 7,607,770 and a total of 311,196 people involved in collective instruments (DT, Dec.
2011) is not more than 4% of the workers entitled to trading is covered by
a collective agreement. Whereas persons dealing with the right to strike, the index falls
3.5%. The situation among the workers is equally worrying. Although between 2003
and 2012 the participation of women in the labor market increased from 36.6% to 47.5%, occurs
114,957 women appear only covered by a collective agreement (DT, December 2011), it is
ie only 1.5% of the working population.
Most workers covered by a collective agreement is in the branch
trade (156,679), followed by manufacturing (111,270); transport (94.7788);
financial intermediation (50,713); education (47,275); mining (46 431) and 11 different
branches of economic activity.
Although the sector "mining" represents less than 1% of the working population
occupied, it is the branch that gets the best returns in the negotiation process. Tarapaca
Antofagasta and Atacama displayed the highest rates of unionization in the country. Antofagasta has a
25.2% outperforming the metropolitan area by more than 5 points. But the process of negotiations
collective mining involves no more than 46,000. The more than 7.5 million workers
and other workers are subjected to a very different reality.
CHANGE THE RULES
A new labor institutions and balances established to facilitate the relationship between necessary
capital and labor. Society is not 20 or 30 years ago, the balance of power has tipped
so overwhelmingly in favor of capital and it installed a perverse system represent no
represent, negotiate without negotiating, without pressure press, etc. The model allows the free movement of
people, goods and investments, but it is also essential to allow the circulation of principles
and practices that sustain the changes required.
Based on the need of a new labor law that replace and strengthen the sense tutelary
law, there are some specific areas that need to be considered in a given character
progressive.

PROPOSALS
1. Definition of undertaking
Whereas abuses with Multirut policy is necessary to provide two or
more companies are considered as one when certain conditions are met, which
They should be judged by a committee of experts. Thus, when two or more undertakings,
cataloged as one, workers may form a single union with all Ruth and
integrate a single negotiation process.

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4

2. Outsourcing
What seemed an exception has become the usual: seven out of ten workers
mining are outsourced. Socioeconomic differences between direct employees and
subcontracted increase and discomfort is increased. a review of Law 20,123 and is required
clearly establish the boundaries between outsourcing and supply of workers.
3. Collective bargaining
Low levels of coverage are indicating that the union is increasingly away from people. The
Collective bargaining is not fulfilling its role as a distributor agent of wealth. It's necessary
set as main subject of negotiation and allow the unions negotiate both
contracts and agreements. At the same time it is necessary to limit the scope agreements
of the negotiating groups. The results show a worrying deficit since the system
atomized business negotiation and impoverishes the initiative. It is necessary to promote a debate on
negotiation by industry. International experience shows no disturbing results
in the labor market, on the contrary, the examples of Brazil, Uruguay, Argentina and most
European countries indicate that a system is much more effective than negotiation
per company. Likewise, it is important to consider an extension of the subject matters
negotiate.
4. Unionization
Voluntariness prescribed by law is nothing more than a statement. In practice, companies do
effort to discourage union membership. It is necessary to establish conditions for a
Auto union membership and to facilitate familiarization with the union worker for life
period covered by the collective bargaining process; the employee may then decide which
affiliated union if more than one company.
5. Unemployment insurance
A profound reform that allows to grant more and better benefits to workers required
they face periods of unemployment. The Solidarity Fund gathers sufficient financial resources
to withstand substantial changes.
6. Multinational
Policies of human and labor resources of these companies have had a negative impact
unionism. Urges a change of rules. It requires oversee the correct implementation of all
known international instruments, for example; UN Global Compact, OECD Guidelines
for Multinational, ISO 26,000, CSR and others. Also it is necessary to legitimize, in Chile,
Global Framework Agreements promoted by the Global Union Federations (FSI)
selective and establish a permanent monitoring of these companies. Financial standing and
operative who hold these companies generate imbalances in the labor market that are not
duly controlled by the Labour Directorate.

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

5

PARTNERSHIP

Alejandra Botitnelli

Jorge Cienfuegos

Miguel Márquez

Alvaro Miranda

Jorge Farias

Miguel Prieto

Andres Solimano

Jorge Vergara

Paul Labbé

Arturo Duclos

Juan Carlos Urquidi

Patricia Morales

Beatriz Stager

Juan Gumucio

Patricia Peña

Berna Castro

Juan Casassus

Patrick Hermann

Lagos Camilo

Juan Valenzuela

Oriele Nuñez

Carlos Ominami

Maia Seeger

Rafael Urriola

Ciro Colombara

Manuel Baquedano

Rainer Hauser

Claudia Perez

Manuel Ipinza

Raul Requena

Claudia Rodriguez

Manuela Gumucio

Rodrigo Chauriye

Cristian Galaz

Maria Pia Matta

Rodrigo Urzúa

Daniel Flores

Marcelo Lepe

Samuel Jimenez

Edgardo Bruna

Marcos Ortiz

Sandra Valenzuela

Federico Stager

Marisol Vera

Ortiz Varinia

Felipe Fuenzalida

Matias Negrete

Victor Hugo Carrasco

Fernando Gonzalez

Mauricio Electorat

Waldo Lopez

Jaime Parada

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GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

]

]

SOCIAL SECURITY:
A right, not a privilege
I. Pension Fund Administrators
System Pension Fund Administrators (AFP) is part of a major
implemented during the military government, reforms being the main creators and José Piñera
Miguel Kast.
In the 80s, the Chilean pension system underwent its first major transformation from
be a distribution system, managed until 1988 by different pension funds, a system
individually funded by private institutions known as Fund Managers
Pension (AFP).
The new system introduced operates on mandatory individual savings plans, character
private (10% of the taxable income of the employee). The State plays only a regulatory role,
through the Superintendent of Pensions, besides guaranteeing a minimum pension for those
workers who do not earn enough to fund the minimum retirement and those who
when exhausted their funds have contributed twenty years or more.

1.1 Purpose of the system initial AFP
The reform initiated during the military government wanted, then:
1. Reduce public spending on social security matters.
This considering the aging population coupled with a lack of control
regarding contributions. This target was not met since today the State subsidizes
workers who do not earn enough to fund the minimum retirement also
of those professionals who are pensioners being exhausted their funds accounts
individual capitalization, among others, have made a scheduled retirement.
2. Improving access to financing and capital.
The AFP system would broaden the financial sector and thus encourage reinvestment
at the national level. While this objective was met initially currently AFPs can invest
up to 80% of their funds in international financial instruments, with all the risks that
and that entails that could be observed fully materialized in 2008, when in 11
Fund A month losses obtained over 40%.

1.2 Fees and administration costs of the AFPs
One of the most disputed aspects of the AFP is related to the additional fee charged by
concept of administrative costs. This represents between 7.7% and 23.6% of contributions
mandatory, as the administrator, versus the cost of maintaining the old distribution system
ranging between 7% and 9% of individual contributions.
The commissions are usually submitted by AFP, surreptitiously, as a percentage applied
the total taxable income without transparent what they represent in terms of compulsory contributions.
By way of example, Table 1 below, calculate the mandatory contribution and commitment
corresponding to a taxable salary of 200,000 pesos.

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As can be seen, mandatory employee contribution whose taxable income is 200,000
weight equal to 20,000 weights. To this must be added the commission for administration
Affiliate Fund. In the case of AFP Capital, this fee is 1.44% of taxable income,
equivalent to 2880 pesos. However, that amount represents 14.4% of the compulsory contribution
made by the worker.
Therefore, the actual weight of the fee charged by each AFP is much higher than what is usually
present since what matters is not calculate the percentage of taxable income but what
is delisted by commission. In this case, the member whose salary is taxable
$ 200,000, is listed for its future 20,000 pesos, 2880 pesos of which go to the AFP, ie
14.4% of its compulsory contribution.
For Planvital AFP, the commission is 2.36% on taxable income, which represents the
23.6% of the compulsory contribution associated with a taxable income of 200,000 pesos.
Therefore, the commissions charged by the AFPs represent between 7.7% and 23.6% of contributions
mandatory, the company considered, quite shocking percentage. Clearly the
affiliates do not dimensioned the real impact of recoveries made for administration
on the individual funds. In the example shown, the cost paid by the management
worker with a taxable income of $ 200,000 represents, in case you are a member of the
AFP Capital, 14.4% of the individual fund.
Importantly, these costs respond, in fact, to costs associated with the
AFP marketing rather than financial advisory services to affiliates.

TABLE 1:
Compulsory contribution and fees based on a
taxable salary of $ 200,000

Source: Chilean Superintendencia de AFP, 2013.
(1) For the cost of administration.
(2) Considering a taxable salary of 200,000 pesos.

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In the current system is the member who assumes the risk of the investment made by the AFP, which
you are paid a commission for that concept. This is particularly serious since the only
enforcement mechanism is the affiliate manager is changed, assuming the eventual
lost.

II. Progressive proposal
2.1 System failure
It is clear that the system of Pension Fund Administrators (AFP) has failed
goal of reducing public expenditure on social security matters. This is because the state subsidizes
those who do not have sufficient funds for retirement, spending on non-existent
previous system and that there was a solidarity fund.
In turn, although the AFP system fulfilled in its infancy, with the aim of increasing access
financing and capital exposed the truth is that the pensions of workers to the vagaries
financial, with the worker who assumes all the financial risk.
But overall, the system is not able to guarantee decent pensions as promised, let alone
comply with a replacement rate of 70%.

2.2 Proposed changes
The State must guarantee the right to Social Security, a pension that is universal type,
higher than the current for the entire population. Next to this, the state must regulate and limit
administration costs of the AFP, including those associated with advertising, so that these
tell relation to the services actually rendered. Finally, the AFP should take the risk
Financial mismanagement of funds affiliates.
The following proposals in this regard are as follows:

1. Modify the existing pension system
It is proposed to move towards a system of mixed type, public-private, which coexists system
distribution, Solidarity Contributory Pillar, and strongly individual capitalization system
regulated. The State, through the contributory solidarity pillar must ensure a basic pension
all workers. Moreover, those workers may wish to complement their
initial pension, quoting voluntary and complementary way, in fund managers
pensions.

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

4

2. Regular commissions and profitability of AFP
It is proposed to set a cap on commissions charged by the AFP for costs of
administration. These may not exceed 7% of the pension contribution I made. AFPs must
compete for lower fees and better services, respecting that range.

3. Co-responsibility
In the event of negative returns for more than three months, it is proposed that the AFP
assume their share of responsibility for the bad management of investments, distributing part of its
utilities as it was raised in his moment by the Union of Trade Unions (UOS). A
AFP alternative is to assume that a certain percentage of the loss cumulada, from the fourth month
of negative returns.

4. Regulate Foreign Investment
Considering the successive and recent international economic crisis and the absence of
regulation in the financial markets, it is imperative to reduce the exposure of private funds
international financial fluctuations.

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

5

PARTNERSHIP

Alejandra Botitnelli

Jorge Cienfuegos

Miguel Márquez

Alvaro Miranda

Jorge Farias

Miguel Prieto

Andres Solimano

Jorge Vergara

Paul Labbé

Arturo Duclos

Juan Carlos Urquidi

Patricia Morales

Beatriz Stager

Juan Gumucio

Patricia Peña

Berna Castro

Juan Casassus

Patrick Hermann

Lagos Camilo

Juan Valenzuela

Oriele Nuñez

Carlos Ominami

Maia Seeger

Rafael Urriola

Ciro Colombara

Manuel Baquedano

Rainer Hauser

Claudia Perez

Manuel Ipinza

Raul Requena

Claudia Rodriguez

Manuela Gumucio

Rodrigo Chauriye

Cristian Galaz

Maria Pia Matta

Rodrigo Urzúa

Daniel Flores

Marcelo Lepe

Samuel Jimenez

Edgardo Bruna

Marcos Ortiz

Sandra Valenzuela

Federico Stager

Marisol Vera

Ortiz Varinia

Felipe Fuenzalida

Matias Negrete

Victor Hugo Carrasco

Fernando Gonzalez

Mauricio Electorat

Waldo Lopez

Jaime Parada

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

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GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

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]

AN EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM CENTERED
IN PEOPLE
I. Diagnosis
Since the eighties there was a significant shift in the way we understand and direct education
in our country. He turned from a humanism inspired by the vision to another whose axis constitutes
the social market economy. Thus education went from being a right guaranteed by the
State, to be a service that operates under the laws of buying and selling merchandise as any. They
He installed a management model based on the world of business. This model works on the basis
competition among schools to get students and resources; accountable for results
(Scores) in a standardized measurement system as the SIMCE, resulting inequality
opportunities, particularly for the poorest. In these conditions, competition between
schools and installation of various businesses, have become the mechanism for the design
National educative system.
This conception of education has exuded to the classroom, causing armed curricular guidance
a standardized test census. So, education policy has focused on requirements
for "uploading scores." The school and high school today are forced to climb through SIMCE scores
of "shots" of thematic content and other strategies for this single purpose. In this context,
the Ministry of Education has been transformed into a body of resource management grant.
Thus, it has abandoned the true role of education, namely training the person in its entirety
and fostering a participatory and democratic citizenship.
Education is a fundamental right guaranteed by the state. Its quality should be redefined
terms of its objectives of integration and citizenship, experiences and content that they can
allow students to learn to think and learn what they need for the future. The distribution
equal education must be confronted with determination, to realize the principle of equality
independent gender opportunities, creed, race, geographical location and social situation.
Because education should be student-centered, it is necessary to review the conditions for
that to happen. Therefore, we reiterate and affirm that it is not possible to continue structuring a system
based on the educational market, profit and standardized assessments that support it. East
system stresses and fragmented society and emptied of its moral purpose that is human development.
The purpose of an education system is to support and sustain the transformative power of education,
providing children, youth and adults, educational programs and resources for the realization
their capacities, skills development and acquisition of new knowledge. The aim and
purpose of education is the integral development of individuals throughout life. Only then can
achieve a healthier and more inclusive, participatory citizenship based society. A substance as
strategic development and stability of a country, is absolutely neglected.
But this model has not only abandoned its ethical purpose. It has also caused loss

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what has been called quality of education. The rigid and prescriptive curriculum requires pairing
directly with the SIMCE, he has been a central cause of the loss of quality in education. The
via accountability standards and measurements, it made the quality was understood as a result
apprenticeships predetermined by the standardized test. The more prescription, more
Strait is the educational goal. For best scores, nothing easier than train
students so that they can respond to standardized tests. But the cost of this is not having
better education, but a narrower and narrower, taking what is not measurable (and central
education) and unable to learn to think and deepen learning, or to search
alternatives to experiment and innovate teaching. No improvement in the quality of education
in the classroom. the opposite has occurred.
Meanwhile, the Higher Education and Development of Science and Technology in Chile, including
technological innovation processes, are placed in a very precarious level in relation to
international standards, especially with regard to the urgent needs of development
sustainable and integrated for our country. Higher Education in Chile has been trending
declining from the point of view of public spending in GDP. This is particularly
critical if we consider that the independence of the countries will be increasingly based on development
science and technology.

II. Recover the ethical purpose of education: Educate people for a society
more democratic.
To move in this direction not sufficient additional resources, estimated at seven billion dollars
in addition to the current budget. It is necessary to decisively address the institutional problems and
management, changing goals, programs and content of education, with the assistance of the
families, teachers and students.
Our proposal considers it necessary to carry out a profound educational reform, starting
to change the current model of education. As we described above, this model, in
its basic design, its content and procedures, is incompatible with a society that seeks
overcoming inequality and generate more democracy.
To move towards a more modern, independent, democratic and inclusive society is
need for a new constitution that guarantees that the state abandons its role
subsidiary and take active leadership to undertake genuine reform of Education.
It is systemic, modifying the current Chilean educational institutions, and supporting
in the following areas:
1. Rescue and strengthening public education at all levels to ensure the right
Public Education, free and quality and building a more democratic society.
2. A curricular and pedagogical reform in accordance with the purposes of education, guiding the
education to the formation of human capital but not of people and following the principle that
Less is more: less content and more learning.
3. Strengthening the teaching profession: working with teachers, not against them.

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III. Proposal for systemic education reform
AXIS 1 - Rescue and strengthening public education at all levels to ensure
the right to public education, free and quality, and the construction of a society
more democratic.
We propose to change the role the state plays in education, modifying the foundations of the current system,
a structural transformation of the Ministry of Education, and consequently a reorientation of
Public Policy in Education.
The State must ensure the internal cohesion of the nation by providing education
territorio.La all inhabitants of education is a fundamental human right that has a
public function. In particular, the State must guarantee access and quality of public education,
regardless of creed, gender, race, geographical location and social situation so that
each child can design their future by developing their talents, enriching and strengthening
the local community. Move from a policy that considers the market is the engine of education
to one in which the focus is that education is a fundamental human right.
This requires a structural reform of the Ministry of Education to facilitate the decentralization
administrative and curriculum, the enrichment of diversity and to promote innovation by encouraging
local autonomy. We therefore propose:
1. A new structure of the Ministry of Education to achieve a balance between decentralization
and centralization.
to. Desmunicipalizar education by creating Local Education Agencies (ALE). We propose
desmunicipalizar and return to the state high schools. These establishments were to become part of
State and shall be a public good local character to change its dependence on municipalities to
Local Education Agencies, functioning community structures and, where appropriate,
intercommunal, with the following characteristics:
It will be a decentralized body, but the Ministry of Education.
You will have direct support functions in the educational field and assessment processes
learning in the classroom, and direct management of the school or high school support.
Also have a mentoring role in implementing innovations in pedagogy,
assessment and management.
It will be a professional entity and its direction will be contestable within the framework of the High
Public Management.
Schools and state colleges depend administratively of this entity.

·
·
·
·
·

b. Establish Regional Education Systems. These entities will replace the current
Sermías and shall aim to develop systemic and related to improving learning
of education in the region This means:
The vertical articulation of a system that seated on the needs of teachers,
including the classroom, schools, ALE, universities, regional and national level.
The horizontal articulation of digital networks interconnected systems such as support
Links and others.

·
·

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articulation of horizontal networks of teachers locally. This reflection is the subject of
· The
basis for the Regional Education System and material for the formulation of national policies.
So that they can inspire both the accumulation of international experiences
as the experiences of those who make education in the classroom.
2. Change the SIMCE for Multidimensional and Multifunctional System Assessment (SEMM)
The proposed evaluation system will replace the current measurement system. Operation
SEMM be functional and territorially decentralized. Its main function is to focus on
the educational process to produce multidimensional, relevant and pertinent information to
feedback on the practice of teachers focused on the accompaniment process
learning and development of students. The information will be collected by different methods
visual assessment of oral and written appreciation to permit a more comprehensive view of
development of each student. Therefore, the kind of support will the SEMM different level of education
basic to secondary education. For basic education, the emphasis placed on the purposes estsrá
and objectives of basic education and secondary education, also in the aims and objectives
humanist secondary education or vocational technical.
The multifunctional assessment activities encompass, among other areas, performance evaluation
teachers, assessment of cognitive achievements, attitudes, values ​​and standards of students and
evaluation of educational management of the directors of the schools. The application of
SEMM will be settled mainly teachers, who are the professionals responsible
the learning process of students.
The SEMM work at local and regional level and coordinated and complementary way with the
· System
national.
Is
multidimensional
as it considered the various dimensions of education, integrating
· The cognitive with the emotional.
Therefore, it will have different assessment methodologies.
Is
also
multifunctional,
then
It will include the aspect of learning, but also
· The other fields as they are losnodesolo
management and teacher performance.
It will also have an enabling role of regional and local human resources
· matter
evaluation, designed to develop self-assessment skills in the various

·
·

who turns the system functions.
With regard to the evaluation of learning, the SEMM will be operated by teachers. The
learning assessment will be internal, but also open to other external possibilities.
The SEMM also feature an external evaluation mechanism in sample basis
purposes of providing information for the management of the education system.

IV. A free quality public education at all levels
Free public education is one of the fundamental pillars of a republican democracy,
it allows to break the inevitability of social class at birth and stimulate feelings Republicans
the nation. Strengthening free public education is to strengthen democracy. In this regard, the State
should ensure access, quality and equity in public education.

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FINANCING IN PUBLIC EDUCATION
The State must guarantee the existence of a public education, free and quality education for all,
secular and republican. This means that the State must guarantee equal opportunities in
access and retention, equity and quality in education, at all levels.
Currently, schools and colleges that receive state resources can be characterized as
administrative agency and purpose. Thus, we can distinguish three situations:
Schools and public schools, which report directly to the State and follow regulations
· of
State through its structures.
Schools
and subsidized private schools that have nonprofit holders
· Without funding
shared.
Schools
Y
colleges
subsidized
for profit.
·
This system has led to segregation since households pay monthly amount per child, in
subsidized private schools. Therefore, schools that receive public funds secrete
according to ability to pay the attorneys, religious or other characteristics.
In turn, some, not all, subsidized private schools that receive public funds,
utilities profiting removed in an activity, partly funded by the state. This undermines
the principles of access, continuity, equity and quality, noted above.
Given the above, we propose:
3. Change in the way of financing public education in the State. For schools
and public schools in the State, the right to propose guaranteed funding
and permanent, for classes that can receive up to 25 students. This means that the State
permanent will transfer funds to schools and colleges tax, whether or not 25 students per class.
This in order to protect the right to public education, but had one
student, in every corner of Chile. To this are added other permanent financing
credit lines, not always permanent, associated infrastructure and other items.
4. Change in the financing of subsidized private education. To avoid the current
selection and segmentation of subsidized private schools, we propose end
shared financing. Thus, the state will increase the school subsidies for
to compensate for the shared financing. The grant will be awarded according tuition and
not according assistance. The difference is that the state subsidies only cover the
students who actually enrolled in subsidized private schools. To his
time school subsidies given to schools and colleges will increase tax, left at
equal respect to charter schools.
5. Phase-out of profit in subsidized private schools currently
profit. In these schools and colleges, the grant will increase per student, in order to alleviate
shared funding. These schools will have to function as a non
for profit.

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6. Financing Public State Higher Education. The State must guarantee the
gratuity of state, secular and republican universities. This implies not only
review the tariffs but to finance the education of students in these schools. What for
higher education in Chile, to re meet his historic role, it is necessary to take
financing basal state universities.
AXIS 2 - A curricular and pedagogical reform in accordance with the purposes of education, guiding
education not to the formation of human capital but training people and following
the principle that less is more: less content and more learning.
7. In the education of children with special needs, design an education
includes all students. The devaluation and lack of support to institutions
dealing with the education of children with special needs, generate a demand policy
inspired by equal opportunities and open to diversity as a factor of better
education. We therefore propose a full review of the policy of educating children with
special needs education and design agencies to integrate all students,
from the most gifted to those most in need.

DEVELOPMENT Early Childhood Education
Preschool education is itself complex since it involves the most important ages
human being, where the learning took place in those years remain for life. It is complex
also for the socio-pedagogical triad that is essential in the education of early
life: family, community and Kindergarten. Preschool education also has the dimension of
social policy, as it facilitates the access of women to the workplace. Therefore, we propose
strengthen this level.
8. Ensure a nursery where there is a child between 0 and 2 years and a kindergarten where
you have a child between 3-6 years old, cautioning that there is an educator in each of the
levels of development and many technical (auxiliary nursery) with respective studies
as many children in need.
9. Replace the maps of progress, standards and education providing schooling measurements
nursery and transforming it into an end in itself.

REFORM OF SCHOOL EDUCATION MANAGEMENT
10. Develop participatory management, promoting the creation and operation of Councils
School modifying the estates of schools, in the sense of change
monitors paraprofessionals for coexistence; change current Pedagogical Technical Units
by teaching and curricular departments, thus restoring the focus on pedagogy,
above technical and conducive to reflection, discussion and research professional,
within the school, and transform the role and concept of supervisors, making them
facilitators critically analyze and reflect the strengths and weaknesses of the process
education and improving its projection.

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In the pedagogical-curricular
11. Create learning communities to reflect on their practice. by promoting
systematization, innovation, experimentation and research appropriate to each school and high school
differently to address their barriers to learning.
12. Reorienting the curriculum of primary and secondary education to the emotional, ethical,
artistic, recreational and cognitive of the students, who are citizens with training
Integral to live in a democratic and complex society, with content and methodology
stimulating for students, and give them the ability to understand political debates,
scientific problems, and the world in which they live.
13. Following the principle of less is more, reduce curriculum encouraging curricular flexibility
depending on the needs and interests of the students of the school specific, both
in the program, while respecting diversity, and the design of working hours
school, including why the redesign of the full school day.
14. Encourage the use of Information Technology and Communication (ICT) more accessible
Internet, improve IT infrastructure and connectivity to all parts of the country,
tending to the provision of a computer per teacher and a student.
15. Reforming technical vocational secondary education, linking the demands of the working world,
work practice and developing contemporary crafts. The critical review of the experience
Dual education can be a desirable orientation.
16. Create at least four technical training centers. The growing importance of education
technique makes it necessary to create two CFT in the north and two in the south.
17. Ensure respect and preservation of cultural diversity of Chile. We propose guarantee
schools in regions with strong presence of indigenous peoples ensure no
only the transmission of cultural heritage (oral, written and artistic), but also promote
intercultural harmony and therefore enrich our democracy.
18. Reinstate Civic Education in the classroom. We propose reinstall learning
civic education in schools. Because this is an essential component in the
construction of identity and informed citizenry

AXIS 3 - Strengthening the teaching profession: working with teachers, not against them.
What matters most is the development of teachers. Good education depends fundamentally
of what the teacher. Therefore, the teacher must have the personal skills and
Professional and levels of trust and autonomy necessary to achieve the objectives.
They must have full training instead of being trained to answer ensañar
standardized tests. They must also have attractive working conditions for teachers:
responsible for the curriculum, the student assessment, school improvements and links
community.

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In particular, it is necessary that education policy is organized around the following strategic focuses:
Strengthen teacher professional development.
Strengthen the autonomy and leadership of teachers.
Establish a balance of "conservation and innovation" both in methods and techniques as well as
in the type of skills required by the global society, representing conditions
experimentation you insert in the national education system. In other words: Keep good
to improve ("optimize the good") and innovation in approaches, contents, methods and techniques
which requires global society.

·
·
·

The proposals are presented to strengthen the role of teachers.
19. Strengthen teacher training. This involves making great efforts to improve the
initial training of teachers. This means ensuring comprehensive training, that is ethical,
intellectual, physical, aesthetic, artistic and social, achieve a sense of the value of the teaching profession
reinforcing the moral purpose of education. It is also necessary to stimulate the formation of
I graduate.
20.
Generate
the
facilities
for
the
training
keep going.
The
experience
teacher in the classroom generates constant, new and diverse needs
not considered in the initial training. We propose to generate a system
permanent consultation to articulate these demands with professional development offerings.
21. Establish a new dialogue with teachers. As part of this new dialogue, we propose
seek to achieve a major agreement to establish a new regulatory framework for the profession
teaching; integrate teachers and assistants of public education - state and private - under
the same legal and status, and meet the demands of the historical debt within a
broader policy framework fairer pensions.
22. To improve the conditions of teachers' work. This proposal includes, reduce and streamline the
curriculum and contents by subject; optimize working conditions by reducing
the number of students per teacher until a maximum of 25 students per teacher; raise
appropriate to the particularities of the teaching function and remuneration comparable with
levels achieved by other better paid professions, in order to attract young people
more talent to the teaching profession; establish a new system of remuneration linked to the
formal education and training throughout the professional lives of teachers, and balance
job security with performance evaluation requirements.
23. Develop a new teaching career focused on the classroom. This new career must have
a horizontal functionality so that the advance is to keep the good teacher
in the classroom and not transferred to the administration. In particular, it must establish a career
allow a significant advance in terms of salary:
1.
Educational performance.
2.
Lifelong learning.
3.
Academic training.
Four.
Experience.
5.
Administrative performance.

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V. Higher Education Accreditation System
Ensure better quality of higher education, whatever the university, requires, among
others reformulate the current system of accreditation. We therefore propose:
24. Modify the statutes of the accrediting agencies, transforming them into agencies
external, related contract with the Ministry of Education only and not
Universities with itself. Thus, it is expected that the National Commission
Accreditation Chile outsource the accreditation assessment process to an external agency
and specialized, without this meaning that the University will pay a service to those who evaluate.
25. Rephrase the types of accreditation. It is proposed to create three new types of accreditation,
depending on grade level, namely:
Type 1 Accreditation obtaining it ought to be compulsory to teach undergraduate courses.
Type 2 Accreditation: obtaining ought to be required to teach graduate courses.
Type 3 Accreditation obtaining certification debiese developing lines of research.

·
·
·

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PARTNERSHIP

Alejandra Botitnelli

Jorge Cienfuegos

Miguel Márquez

Alvaro Miranda

Jorge Farias

Miguel Prieto

Andres Solimano

Jorge Vergara

Paul Labbé

Arturo Duclos

Juan Carlos Urquidi

Patricia Morales

Beatriz Stager

Juan Gumucio

Patricia Peña

Berna Castro

Juan Casassus

Patrick Hermann

Lagos Camilo

Juan Valenzuela

Oriele Nuñez

Carlos Ominami

Maia Seeger

Rafael Urriola

Ciro Colombara

Manuel Baquedano

Rainer Hauser

Claudia Perez

Manuel Ipinza

Raul Requena

Claudia Rodriguez

Manuela Gumucio

Rodrigo Chauriye

Cristian Galaz

Maria Pia Matta

Rodrigo Urzúa

Daniel Flores

Marcelo Lepe

Samuel Jimenez

Edgardo Bruna

Marcos Ortiz

Sandra Valenzuela

Federico Stager

Marisol Vera

Ortiz Varinia

Felipe Fuenzalida

Matias Negrete

Victor Hugo Carrasco

Fernando Gonzalez

Mauricio Electorat

Waldo Lopez

Jaime Parada

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

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]

PUBLIC HEALTH AND QUALITY
1. The new Constitution of the Republic of Chile that will promote the health of Chileans will
consecrated as a "fundamental human right", as established in the Constitution of the
World Health Organization (June-July 1946) and the Universal Declaration of the Rights
UN Human (December 1948), both agreements signed by the Government of
Chile.
2. In the context of what is enshrined in the documents cited, we incorporate the theme of health
all policies, plans and programs in all sectors of national life.
3. To comply with the full enjoyment of this law, we will strengthen the public health care system
Health, to gradually transform into a National Health Service of universal coverage,
to ensure equal attention to all of the highest quality technical and human and the
maximum effectiveness and efficiency.
4. To adequately fund the aforementioned national system, create a "Universal Fund
Health Solidarity - FUSS ", which will be comprised by the" Contribution Tax ", which on a
within eight years come to be 3% of total public expenditure, the contribution of the "Quotes of the
FONASA affiliates ", which will arrive within the same period to 1.5% of total expenditure and the progressive contribution
the "members' contributions to the ISAPREs beneficiaries", which will reach the end of the period 3%
7% compulsory contribution to these institutions, and contribute to the FUSS 1.5% of those costs.
The sum of these three sources can reach the end of the period of eight years, a number of Public Expenditure
Total equivalent to 6% of GDP.
5. We will start construction of the 12,000 hospital beds of medium and high complexity
(Equivalent to 30 hospitals with 400 beds) that are missing today in the Public Care System
Health to arrive within 8 years at a rate of 3 beds per thousand beneficiaries, a figure that the country
was in 1985. Together, we will continue building and planning new hospitals
They come to replace existing today and are outdated.
6. we continue to increase the number of ICU beds and UTI available today, to get in
next 8 years at a rate of 6 ICU beds and 12 ICU beds per 100,000 beneficiaries, which means
create 321 ICU beds and 749 beds UTI in the period.
7. continue to form and then incorporated into the public health care system, 1,400
medical specialists each year.

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8. We will build 150 new centers Comprehensive Health Care, with appropriate physical plants,
diagnostic technologies and relevant treatment, supplies and medicines in sufficient quantity
and quality and health teams consisting of medical specialists in training and certificates,
general practitioners, nurses, midwives, nutritionists, social workers, psychologists, physiotherapists,
pharmaceutical chemicals, speech therapists, occupational therapists, technicians, paramedics,
administrative and auxiliary service, in quantity and quality, according to rules to be
reformulated. The total number of doctors to be hired at the primary care level should
double, to reach a figure of 6,500 days of 44 hours per week, according to a
rate of 5 physicians per 10,000 beneficiaries.
9. In the next government, to all beneficiaries of the public health care system will ensure that
receive all the medications that were prescribed, favoring the use of drugs
bioequivalent generic, but also the brand when it warrants technically. "Never
plus treated in the public health system patient should buy the drug out of pocket
and need to be prescribed. "
10. Formulate a new national policy for Drugs and Medical Devices, which go on
Consistent with our vision of equity in access and quality of all the elements used
in the public health system, which will involve review and create new Clinical Guidelines and Form
National Medicines to ensure all Chileans access to medicines and devices
quality doctors.
11. The next government will begin, progressively, the demunicipalization of administration
establishments in the primary care level, ensuring full conservation workers
labor rights acquired since the entry into force of the Statute of Primary Care
Municipal.
12. The next government, together and with the agreement of all health workers, advance
Create a new single labor statute, which also collect the specificities of each of its
components and ensure significant improvements in their wages and working conditions,
commensurate with high social and economic importance of their work.

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PARTNERSHIP

Alejandra Botitnelli

Jorge Cienfuegos

Miguel Márquez

Alvaro Miranda

Jorge Farias

Miguel Prieto

Andres Solimano

Jorge Vergara

Paul Labbé

Arturo Duclos

Juan Carlos Urquidi

Patricia Morales

Beatriz Stager

Juan Gumucio

Patricia Peña

Berna Castro

Juan Casassus

Patrick Hermann

Lagos Camilo

Juan Valenzuela

Oriele Nuñez

Carlos Ominami

Maia Seeger

Rafael Urriola

Ciro Colombara

Manuel Baquedano

Rainer Hauser

Claudia Perez

Manuel Ipinza

Raul Requena

Claudia Rodriguez

Manuela Gumucio

Rodrigo Chauriye

Cristian Galaz

Maria Pia Matta

Rodrigo Urzúa

Daniel Flores

Marcelo Lepe

Samuel Jimenez

Edgardo Bruna

Marcos Ortiz

Sandra Valenzuela

Federico Stager

Marisol Vera

Ortiz Varinia

Felipe Fuenzalida

Matias Negrete

Victor Hugo Carrasco

Fernando Gonzalez

Mauricio Electorat

Waldo Lopez

Jaime Parada

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

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GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

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]

Policy physical activity and sport:
A UNIVERSAL RIGHT GUARANTEED
In the current context of physical activity and sport are as essential agents for
establish basic conditions, with the aim of normalizing aberrant differences in quality
of life of citizens, highly conditioned to the birthplace.
The socio-cultural, economic and territorial context conditions access to sport. The Constitution
does not guarantee that all citizens beyond its original packing, so access
systematic and free practice.
Our country has more pathologized alarming indicators that lead to a population increasingly
physically and mentally, and that has dire projections in the short-term health of the population,
especially in our children they have grown exponentially obesity indicators
and overweight. All this will mean high economic costs for the state.
In Chile there is a post-transitional epidemiological and nutritional situation, characterized
increased life expectancy, the prevalence of chronic noncommunicable diseases and
obesity. In addition to a sedentary life manifested in our transversely
society.
Our program is summarized in sport for all, SPORT EVER. Each of the
citizens of our country should enter the national sports system since childhood and out
This at death. Therefore coverage must cover the entire life cycle. Our proposal addresses
a permanent practice of sport at all ages and levels of expression of this, either
recreational, educational, competitive or high performance. A society that develops a sport practiced
set of protective factors against several diseases at the same time increases their sense
Wellness.

Proposals
Here are the four pillars of the proposal are presented Sport and Wellness:

1. The right guaranteed by the state to sport
The matrix for the development of public policies in sport, is undoubtedly access
guaranteed by the state of practice and after his promotion. The constitution we
governed not consider sport and physical activity as an inalienable right, indeed, not
understood as an obligation of the state apparatus, as to create conditions
minimum so that all people can have free access to their practice. Also the
institutional framework that governs us has clear deficiencies in terms of levels of scope, respect
local logical and autonomy of their decisions. The creation of the ministry of sports
It is a significant step, but not enough given its architecture, scope, budget and marked
centralization.

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The newly created Ministry of Sport alone increased by 0.74 percent budget
IND.
Our program considers it essential that this new ministry present the following
features:
1. Duplicate the current budget IND (projected US $ 424 million), which will be
financed via tax reform, earmarking of $ 13 billion raised U 283
million US $ for the development of national sports system.
2. Develop an Inter Office (MINSAL-MOE-MIDEP), with its own budget
(Are you projecting U $ 84 million), with the purpose of developing public policies
mainly to school sport, base and unequal access to sport.
3. Create a program to detect and financing of sports department in stages
prior to high performance.
4. Create a Department to develop plans together with state universities,
in order to train skilled human capital in sport.
5. Implement public policies articulated and coordinated with the different social actors,
is a neighborhood, community and regional level. This means the creation of local councils in the
citizens and authorities together, establish the problems and coordinate actions
to implement. This in logic to incorporate different social actors in the diagnosis,
implementation and solution of the problems.
6. A department to evaluate the current model will be implemented and diagnose deficiencies
This, promoting decentralized high performance. plans will be developed with
a strong state support, either in resources, implementation and technical support, providing the
conditions for athletes regions to develop sports activities
in their respective localities.
7. Create a specialized department in all matters that require high levels of
control, so that decisions respond to delimit technical criteria and protocols
established, such as public tenders and competitive funds, among other topics.
For the above guarantee the state of access to sports for all,
without exclusion, with national character, it must be the cornerstone of public policy
Progressives in sport.
The State must guarantee the inalienable right to have public spaces,
infrastructure, logistics and human resources for physical activity and sport so
systematic and directed, that is sustainable over time and that involves continuous updating
all elements that configure the sport.
Also the promotion of sporting events of national interest is a mechanism
essential for the promotion of sport through modeling activity is promoted
physical, hence the importance of open access to all the community to those powers
involving national athletes.
This requires the articulation of a great national sports system, in which converge the
different levels: social and community organizations, local governments, regional governments,
Ministry of Sport and articulation with the Ministries of Health and Education.
It is essential to consider the sport and physical exercise as a global system in which

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individual differences are recognized and validated, always from a country look, which
main objective is the quality of life for all Chileans.

2. Development of national plans for physical activity and sport whose focus this
on territorial decentralization and validation of local realities
Progressive public policies in sport must have a stamp of equity in access and
in the standards of services provided, that is, the population density criteria
and economic center are not the conditions for the development of differentiated policies. They
It must ensure that the human and infrastructural resources are equivalent in all
areas of the country, respecting the local reality. Especially because given the conditions of origin
marked by inequality, continue this logic holds and widens the gap between the center and
the ends of the country.
In this framework the dimension of high performance sports should be a country setting,
its implementation should be developed, after a detailed study of the benefits realized,
either by conditions associated with physical characteristics of the population, cultural variables,
geographic and climatic conditions of certain areas of the country. So it is essential to implement
Specific areas of specific sports development in certain regions of Chile. This does not
It is new, however in general have been isolated and not as a project interventions
country selection geographies areas related to the development of certain sports. Is not
just a matter of resources, but a systemic approach to local realities. It involves the development
professionals from the region to implement the programs. In this dimension
appears, for example, work intertwined with education, so that from universities
regional public, programs to train professionals to develop
sport each of the regions, in order to acquire sports own tools
practiced in each of the areas of the country, as well as of support professionals
complementing multidisciplinary work with the athlete, this is one of the great
deficiencies, forcing the exodus of athletes to more developed areas. also
implement regional sports centers with higher standards and quality of some
existing, whose budget is controlled by local governments and their axes are two
lines: high-performance and massive spaces for sports population.
It is the duty of the state to deliver all the conditions for closer to standards
of sporting excellence, supported by the comparative advantages of the geographical area and the support
by the state.

3. Development of public policies in conjunction with the Ministries of Education and Health
The understanding of the human being from an integral dimension requires that implementations
public policy, have an interdisciplinary character. Progressivism promotes be
in constant search of the human being, with high standards of quality of life, associated,
collective, looking to build a model in which everyone is included, and promoter
equity. Given the above, for a full human being, we must deliver conditions
to develop a more satisfying life. This is built on three pillars:
Education, Health and Sports and summarized in Welfare.

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Historically in the implementation of policies aimed at quality of life, these three
dimensions have acted individually and defining their own criteria. From the
progressivism, we understand that we must build permanent alliances and establish criteria
common. We are addressing the need to develop a formal body that articulates these
three ministries in the development of public policies, aimed this oriented Welfare
the Chilean population, developing interventions from cognitive, physical dimensions,
emotional and social. To provide tools to citizens, so that they
reaches higher levels of satisfaction.
These interventions should be carried out covering the entire life cycle of the human being, from the
gestation to the longest populations. Forcing the development of studies to explain
the characteristics of our population characteristics at different stages of development. We propose
the development of cross-center studies to these ministries, which it could develop
actually own national public policies, recognizing their particular dimensions,
facilitating operations more efficient. This center must be able to characterize different
age group, geographical location of each population, in order to target policy
Two lines, national and local level reality.

4. Include in the formulation and implementation of public policies to
social and regional, community, local governments
Our country has experienced in recent months, a resounding turn, the need of the population
to feel included, establishing real demands.
Overall public policies are made by a group of experts outside reality,
immersed in their own logic and academic techniques. Promote the establishment of a
closer dialogue with citizens. For the above meeting spaces were implemented
with different levels: social, community, local and regional governments.
To establish in those spaces their real needs regarding physical activity and
sport, at the same time to meet each particular field reality, this will be replicated
each of the geographical areas of the country. After this instance can be via assembly
as convener mechanism, supplemented by surveys and local forums will be developed
documents constituting the basis of national and local policies. This raises
central objective articulate these two levels to come together harmoniously.
A centerpiece of our proposals is to strengthen civil society, therefore a focus of interest
You will be on generating through sports and call for participation in its logic
citizenship particular, we believe that sport creates adhesion and allows real space
socialization, where people converge from the sport. Therefore strengthening
sport in communities and social organizations generate living spaces of civil society,
enabling them to articulate their demands and raise local identity spaces.

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Summary of our proposals:
1. Our program is summarized in SPORT FOR ALL SPORTS FOREVER.
Each of the inhabitants of our country enter the national sports system and out of this
once they die. Therefore it extends throughout the life cycle.
2. This requires the articulation of a great national sports system, in which converge the
different levels: social and community organizations, local governments, regional governments,
Ministry of Sport and articulation with the Ministries of Health and Education.
Understanding sport and physical exercise as a global system, in which differences
individual are recognized and validated, always from a country look, whose main objective
the quality of life for all Chileans.
3. The proposal addresses a permanent practice of sport, in all ages and levels
This expression either recreational, educational, or high performance competitive. A society that
practice sport develops a set of protective factors against various diseases and
simultaneously increases your sense of wellbeing.
4. The right guaranteed by the state to sport
The matrix for the development of public policies in sport, is undoubtedly access
guaranteed by the state of practice and after his promotion. The constitution we
governed not consider sport and physical activity as an inalienable right, indeed, not
understood as an obligation of the state apparatus, as to create conditions
minimum so that all people can have free access to their practice.
5. The ministry of sport must:
to. Double the current budget IND (projected US $ 424 million), which will be
financed via tax reform, earmarking of $ 13 billion raised U 283
million US $ for the development of national sports system.
b. Develop an inter-office (MINSAL-MOE-MIDEP). With its own budget
(Are you projecting U $ 84 million) in order to develop public policies
mainly to school sport, base and unequal access to sport.
c. Create a program aimed at detecting and finance department in athletes
High performance pre-stages.
d. Implement a department to develop plans together with universities
state for the purpose of forming expert human capital sport.
e. Develop public policies articulated and coordinated with the different social actors,
is a neighborhood, community and regional level. This means the creation of local councils in the
citizens and authorities jointly establish the problems and coordinate actions
to implement. This in logic to incorporate different social actors in the diagnosis,
implementation and solution of the problems.
f. Create a department to evaluate the current model and diagnose deficiencies
This, promoting decentralized high performance. plans will be developed with a strong
state support, either in resources, implementation and technical support, providing the conditions
for athletes of regions to develop sports activities in their
respective localities.

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g. Implement a department specialized in evaluating resource allocation.
In all matters that require high levels of control, so that decisions
meet technical criteria and delimit the established protocols, such as
public tenders and competitive funds, among other topics.
h. Construction of a regional sports center. With equivalent standards infrastructure
and human resources, respect and above all logic and strengthening local skills
(Approximate cost of $ 15 million as a whole).
6. Strengthening of school sports.
By communal, regional and national competitions and infrastructure in public schools.
7. Construction of a multipurpose gym in every commune in the country.
With a population of over 100,000 inhabitants. Approximate project cost 100 million
dollars.
8. Transmission signal by open sporting events of national interest. This is a
essential for the promotion of sport mechanism by modeling is promoted
physical activity, hence the importance of free access of the community to those
competitions involving national athletes.
9. Insurance Stadium Reformulation plan.
10. Establish a regulatory framework that sports clubs return to their partners.
These are our proposals in sport for a progressive government, which is based on
guaranteed universal rights, the development of participatory democracy and a State
active and participatory, with a clearly supportive role. We want the sport to be converted
an engine of social change, which allows integration of the different realities of our country.
The sport is inclusive and we want in Chile we are building it even more,
through sport aim higher quality of life for all Chileans, we
physically and mentally healthy people, WELFARE aspire to achieve in each of the
citizens of our country.

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PARTNERSHIP

Alejandra Botitnelli

Jorge Cienfuegos

Miguel Márquez

Alvaro Miranda

Jorge Farias

Miguel Prieto

Andres Solimano

Jorge Vergara

Paul Labbé

Arturo Duclos

Juan Carlos Urquidi

Patricia Morales

Beatriz Stager

Juan Gumucio

Patricia Peña

Berna Castro

Juan Casassus

Patrick Hermann

Lagos Camilo

Juan Valenzuela

Oriele Nuñez

Carlos Ominami

Maia Seeger

Rafael Urriola

Ciro Colombara

Manuel Baquedano

Rainer Hauser

Claudia Perez

Manuel Ipinza

Raul Requena

Claudia Rodriguez

Manuela Gumucio

Rodrigo Chauriye

Cristian Galaz

Maria Pia Matta

Rodrigo Urzúa

Daniel Flores

Marcelo Lepe

Samuel Jimenez

Edgardo Bruna

Marcos Ortiz

Sandra Valenzuela

Federico Stager

Marisol Vera

Ortiz Varinia

Felipe Fuenzalida

Matias Negrete

Victor Hugo Carrasco

Fernando Gonzalez

Mauricio Electorat

Waldo Lopez

Jaime Parada

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MEANS
Y
COMMUNICATIONS

CHILE A pluralistic

WITH ACCESS TO THE TRUTH

AND INFORMATION

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

]

]

DEMOCRATIZATION
COMMUNICATIONS

Democratization of communications
The key to addressing the communication policies in Chile is given by the way in which the role is understood
played by communications in our society and, consequently, how we conceive industries
Information and communication. So the waters were divided between those who consider that the media
communication form a market that does not differ essentially from the markets for goods and services,
therefore governed by the same logic: information and ideas would be goods traded in the market
media. On this argument, since neoliberalism restrict the possibility of rejecting the
rights of the owners. In contrast to this perspective, a progressive proposal assumes that
Media can not be treated as companies operating goods like any other, given its
relevance in terms of socialization and construction of meaning. Faced with those alternatives, Chile seems to have
opted for the former. The way they have handled the communication policies in the country in the past
decades, whether by action or omission, is marked by the libremercadismo no prospect of significant changes.
Much less known proposals from the political parties that strongly encourage a process of
democratization of communications.
In the 22 years since the restoration of democracy in Chile no political force has dared
put the speech on the need for a communication policy in their proposals. By
First, the political right abuses revive ghosts of an interventionist state in terms of content,
while the coalition has not considered that the conquest of guarantees of access to TV, radio and newspapers
is at the center of their demands for change. One argument that has served the stakeholders
in perpetuating the current system is the neoliberal conception of understanding all regulatory policy as
an "attack" against freedom of expression and freedom of entrepreneurship. The deliberate confusion between
freedom of expression and freedom of business has led to an extreme lack of diversity not only ideological
in ownership and media content, but also I, on the lack of debate on the media.
The obvious links between stakeholders in preserving the current situations of inequality and injustice
and the mass media that progressive forces warrant concern for sitúen
Constitution change on the same level of importance that the need to break the information blockade and
Cultural currently deployed mass media.

Media concentration in Chile and the risk to democracy
In Chile, the media landscape is marked by high levels of concentration of ownership. In evolution
concentration index markets and audiences, Chile has one of the highest indicators and more
the increases in recent years in Latin America, over 80% of the market is concentrated in
hands of the 4 major carriers.
The governments of the coalition decided not to implement public policies to regulate the operation
media, but to continue with the logic of non-intervention in the market. This "non-political" has allowed
the facts that are large conglomerates that set the tone, either from his position
as media owners, or through avisaje, with the consequent impoverishment of speech and
homogenization of the contents. Worldwide it has been shown that leave left to the market

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important issues has led to there being less and less diversity and pluralism in the press, radio
and television.
Our country joined the OECD in January 2010. However, unlike the countries of the region,
Chile has no specific legislation to ensure pluralism in the media. The
concern about the concentration passes through the obvious collusion between political power and business groups
multimedia in Chile and many other countries in the region. The Declaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression
of the Organization of American States says clearly: monopolies or oligopolies conspire against
democracy. In this regard, the higher the concentration, the greater the risk of collusion of interest. Example
it is what happens in the field of the Chilean press, where independent media end
dying of asphyxiation in the duopolistic landscape that characterizes the country for decades.
Of course this alarming concentration of ownership also extends to TV and radio. In parallel,
despite the democratizing potential of social networks, so far it appears that the trend towards concentration
will persist in regard to the media that operate in the new technological context. The property analysis
infrastructure of digital networks reflects the trend towards concentration is more marked than
characterizing the landscape of industries traditional mass media.

Progressive principles of communication policy
The passivity of the center-left forces for years before a state of freedom of expression
restricted, it could be explained by the fact that parliamentarians and politicians in general are somewhat
extent hostage to the media. It is a fact that the positioning of political figures in surveys
different type is directly related to the TV appearances. And it feeds a perverse link between figures
political and media companies. Progressivism has, in this area, an unfinished: the leadership
policy that aspires to represent citizens should join hands in the first place, with society.

Freedom of expression and right to communicate
Freedom of expression is contained in numerous international treaties and agreements, and enshrined in
different formulations contained in virtually all national constitutions and laws. Without
however, it presupposes a group of individuals who communicate, each with an equal right to
conceive, transmit and receive ideas from others. The reality is that we live in a society with major differences
levels of access to power, where much of the communication between people is mediated by
media, governments, corporations and many others vie for attention and try to
influence and control the content and flow of communications. A progressive perspective is distinguished by
the defense of freedom as a right of everyone, not just the owners
media. In this sense, international standards must be respected in the field.
Distortion and abuse of the concept of freedom of expression to protect commercial interests have gone
hand to attack the state as alleged enemy of freedom of expression. Thus, the claim of "no
interference "state policy of communication a couple of decades ago was installed, and although
other countries in the region and lost power in Chile remains valid and intact. Initially, as a result
own traumas of the dictatorship, some reasons may have been justified in terms of intervention
restrictive or manipulative state. However, since it has been shown that without active intervention
State, are not guaranteed the right to freedom of expression to citizens of the state. The point is
what state? Of course, a democratic and respectful of human rights.

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That is why from the liberalism consider that the right to communication is our foundation and
horizon. The communication rights generate the conditions for the full exercise of freedom
expression in a complex and mediated society in which power and control of resources are
very unevenly distributed. In fact, freedom of expression is at the heart of rights
communication.
In this context, the safeguarding of pluralism and diversity should be the focus of all media policy. He
pluralism involves opening meeting spaces for social diversity and seek to exercise the right
to opinion and information, and an expanded presence of the diversity in which no one is discriminated against. From
It follows a progressive policy must enhance emergency communications media
independent, community and nonprofit, as a counterweight to the tendency toward homogenization
content.

Proposals for a policy of progressive communication
Technological convergence
In recent years, communications have experienced the revolution involved in technological convergence. Yes
years ago, the telephone, television, radio or newspapers were associated with the transmission of a type of
-sound, image, text-data is no longer true. Technological convergence brings to the table the need to
reviewing the associated regulatory frameworks. Some Latin American countries are considering legislation to gather all
dispersed in various areas (eg. broadcasting, digital television, etc.) in one and that all platforms
They tend to converge. This trend poses a serious risk: a general regulation in the field located
telecommunications can be subordinated to the rules laid down by the WTO (World Organisation
Trade) treating the goods in question as mere commodities. From there, the entire promotion policy
diversity and / or shelter for local production could be seen as an attack on free competition or
unfair competition. Cultural goods and services are protected by a valuable international instrument:
the Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions of UNESCO.
There the particularities of these goods and services are recognized and the duty of states to develop notes
defense policies and promotion of their cultures and identities and communication rights of its
inhabitants. A valuable reference in this regard is the European Directive on Audiovisual Media.
The legislative proposals that occur in Chile, policy communication, should incorporate
the reality of technological convergence. What matters is the value of technology as carriers
information, opinions, feelings and values, and their effect on public opinion, technological support
itself is not the focus of the discussion of a media policy. This implies the recognition of social relevance
of the media.
In turn it is essential to improve, in the new Constitution, the statement of the universal right to communication
social, which states that all individuals have the right not only to receive information and opinion;
also to disseminate by any means of expression, so that compliance and guarantee extension
to all citizens.

Radio spectrum: national good
Radio spectrum is the patrimony of humanity by UNESCO. On the General Act
Telecommunications have recognized the airwaves as a national asset. As such, it is necessary
regulation to safeguard its use for the good of society in general and not special interests.

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Anyway, it should analyze whether the spectrum should remain under exclusive dependence
Undersecretary of Telecommunications.
A progressive media policy should establish criteria to operate equalizing who
willing and able to participate in the tender, consistent with Article 2 of Law No. 18,168 General
Telecommunications 1982, which provides that "All citizens of the Republic shall have free and equal
access to telecommunications and any person shall be eligible for the concessions and permits in the form and
conditions established by law. "

Audiovisual aids
1. The National Television Council
In Chile, the National Television Council (CNTV) is who should ensure the proper functioning of the
Chilean television through institutional policies designed to guide, stimulate and regulate the activity
the actors involved in the television phenomenon. At present the NTV also allocate resources
for independent film projects considered to be of public interest, it has the power to take
a reprimand, fine, suspension or even revocation of the grant and / or critical decisions when
resolve to renew a concession. The CNTV supervigila the proper functioning of our television,
and based on this concept apply fines. The proper functioning, in turn, is understood as "clamping
the values ​​of the nation, "a vague concept and moralistic bias. In practice, the fines levied by the
CNTV not cause greater impact on channel reprimanded, and the license expiration has never happened.

Proposals for the CNTV contribution to the better functioning of the Chilean TV:
• Change the composition of its members, now conceived as party representatives
political presence in Parliament.
• To grant full responsibility for the allocation of concessions (subject matter regarded in law
still pending).
• Establish advisory committees for the analysis of the demands made up of experts and representatives
civil society.
• Change the rules of the Fund for the Promotion of Audiovisual Production so that the channels
TV should disseminate attractive programs funded by the CNTV times, ensuring
continuity.

Proposals for democratizing the TV:
• Establish mechanisms to hinder the formation of oligopolies, regulating in this sense
allocation of licenses.
• Reserve rate for community media, understood in its real sense, as communities
interests and not territorial.
• Strengthen community media projects, through technical advice, competitive funding,
tax benefits, or any other means.
• Manage the radio spectrum as a public good, being transparent capabilities effectively
available for different telecommunications services and generating public mechanisms and
participatory mapping, monitoring and control.

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Proposals for the rights of the hearings:
• Recognition of the right audience to various media, where there is plurality of sources
and the political, ideological, social and cultural pluralism is reflected.
• Requiring local production quotas (fiction or documentary) to all system operators.
• Duty to communicate public interest campaigns in times of high audience based on content
previously established by the competent authority in each case.
• Safeguarding the integrity of all people, prohibition of degrading transmit programming,
discriminatory, hateful or discriminate.
• Expansion and use of powers of the CNTV for breach of rules: determine the powers of the
CNTV to reach agreement with the service provider to change the audiovisual content or,
if necessary, stop the broadcast of content that contravenes the principles promoted above
by CNTV.
• Requirement of criteria pluralism in the general programming of all operators. Pluralism
not to be confused with the existence of a large number of media -what says little about the
diversity- nor measured just as before, only quantitatively. Numerous
universes absent opinion on the screens do not reflect existing indicators so far
to assess pluralism.
• Requiring transparency criteria of the media, public awareness of the
properties and editorial lines of the media.
• Protecting the rights of children and adolescents in structuring programming.
• Increased cultural and children's programming, particularly in times of high audience of children.

Proposals from the rights of audiovisual service providers:
• Respect the right channel setting editorial direction by selecting the contents
and determination of times, without contravening the proper functioning of the TV.
• Respect the right of extinction within audiovisual licenses, when offered a correct
operation of the audiovisual service provision and use of spectrum.

2. National Television (TVN)
Throughout the world, the role of state channels is to counterbalance the commercial TV. In Chile lie in
somewhere in the Senate amendments to the Law on Public Television 19,132 which, however, does not include the
possibility of supporting publicly funded state television. Overall, the supply of content
TVN is so similar to that of commercial channels that one wonders what their distinctive as channel
public. By competing in the same conditions and in the same territories that private TV, TVN does not risk
to invest in the emergence of new formats, thus preventing the mass audience experience possible
best innovations of cultural content.
Given the importance of a public channel, self-financing is not consistent with a progressive project.
As in many other countries, it is necessary to implement a system of public funding to
to "channel all Chileans" to promote the production of content that meets their duty and mission
public. This is, for example, stimulating cultural, regional, children contents, etc. quality. Repeated
argument regarding the public financing makes state government channels
and therefore propaganda tools exceeds current government is not releasing the public channel to
supposed neutrality of the market. Since liberalism believe that the best and most legitimate instance
control and monitoring is citizen participation: in several countries already have experience of instances of this
nature whose mission is, among others, the public channel does not remain under the exclusive control of governments.

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Proposals on the mission and obligations of TVN:


•
•
•
•
•

TVN must clearly determine their public channel, and specify the obligations it
They derived:
Promote education and cultural enrichment of Chilean society, offering a wide
variety of programs and high-quality content.
Promotion and respect for democratic values. Promote pluralism, recognizing the diversity
cultural, ethnic, ideological and religious, as well as the principles of dignity, equality and non-discrimination
between men and women.
Encourage the development of national audiovisual industry by way of experimentation of new
formats, media research and applications, etc.
Contribute to the integration of activities to develop the various sectors of national life.
Assume regional responsibility and commitment to the visibility of the different realities.

Proposals on TVN address:
• Modernization of its corporate governance. Establishment of a Council in which, in addition to the sectors
politicians represented in parliament, integrate extra-parliamentary sectors, civil society,
audiovisual communication services, etc., representative of public interests that currently
coexist in society.
• Implement regular forums to discuss this advice on our public TV,
involving representatives of regions, companies, non-profit broadcasters, towns
originating, public media, trade unions and universities so that they can represent the
citizens in their role as co-auditor of public TV.
• Create instances of control with superior entity other than the council when it considers that
TVN does not comply with the mission to be slogan.

Proposals on financing TVN:
• I establish mechanisms for partial financing from the state, for the production
programming responsive to the public interest mentioned in its mission and obligations it
arising in particular those relating with guards allowing independence regarding channel
the government of the day, such as five-year budgets, NTV participation in the formulation,
etc.

3. Radiophonie
On the legislative front, the coalition governments boosted Law No. 19,773 on freedom of opinion and
information and journalism, known as the Press Law, which for broadcasting is dead letter
given that the commercial freedom takes precedence over freedom of expression as a fundamental right.
In Chile the market operates only as an allocator of resources, so there is a permanent tension
between pluralism and free competition, it has been delayed while the state's role as guarantor of rights and
freedoms.
The system of concessions to operate radio frequencies is protected by state control should
-renewable or permanent safeguard the temporary nature of the concessions and in turn is bound to
guarantee the right to establish and maintain media. This is incoherent as there is a legal body
which advocates equal access to frequencies and time fosters economic freedom that supports

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frequency transaction market. This contradiction is even greater considering that the mechanisms
regulation of "free competition" are extremely weak in Chile, which has resulted
Since 2007 the most concentrated of broadcasting in national history panorama is observed.
Under this umbrella companies consolidated their presence in the country. First, speculation frequencies
radio left no leeway to small national and regional broadcasters. Finally, the law of
Community radios, rather than promoting the sector non-profit, restricts its development as consecrating
the poor relation of commercial broadcasting.
When in 2007 the Court of Free Competition (TDLC) authorizes the conglomerate PRISA to buy
Iberoamerican 11 radio stations concentrated under a single operator, ignoring the recommendation of
the National Economic Prosecutor (FNE), indicating sell four national networks of the group. He does not
compliance with the reciprocity clause on foreign investment in media
states the press law is the key to understanding how the group PRISA Spain grew to 211 frequency
throughout Chile and nearly 50% of the advertising investment.
However, other factors preoupantes much or more than they require concentration and interventions
Regulatory if acceptable levels of pluralism intended. For example, the Court of Free Competition
He decided to authorize the purchase of Oasis Radio Horizonte and by the broadcasting company SPA (Canal
13), and although it imposed as a condition the prohibition of tied sales and the obligation to maintain
business separate radio and TV, the failure was not enough to stop the concentration of ownership of
the media.
This is linked, in turn, with increasing earnings of economic groups operating in this sector. The
national groups, specifically, are linked to powerful political and economic sectors. The risk
involved this situation is that the extreme ease to acquire radios favors concentration in three
large economic groups that were making inroads in recent years in the media
(If Channel 13 and Mega). As young broadcasters often left no room for action on power
of large companies, often co-opted by big corporations totaling horizontal concentration
(Purchase of several media within the category, for example. Luksic) and transverse (media buying various items, eg.
audiovisual and graphics).
The panorama brutally unequal with the radio facing the future digital convergence becomes urgent
face new regulatory processes, because, although the relevant state bodies pose
recommendations, these, as has been noted, are often disregarded. "
Chile needs a serious and substantive debate on a new law audiovisual services in the face of
digital convergence, to eliminate all forms of direct or indirect restrictions on freedom of expression,
consider the recognition and promotion of social sector non-profit, and public sectors coexisting
on fair terms with private commercial radio. To keep up with the times, the country
should consider the recommendations of the Rapporteur for Freedom of Expression of the UN, the
Americas, Europe, Africa, who together made a call to states to build regulations
to harness the potential of integration, cohesion and inclusion of technological convergence and
while ensuring that basic rights of communication.

PROPOSALS
• Adjust the vertical and horizontal concentration of media (TV, radio, written,
digital and telecommunication services) and their supports.

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• Implementing the award and renewal of radio and telecommunications concessions only
tender, without allowing the adoption of special laws to extend arbitrarily in
benefit of its current owners.
• Ending the preferential right of those in one conce-sion for renewal.
• Complete with radio concessions in perpetuity, with the exception of those assigned
to state media for public use.
• Repeal legislation (Telecommunications Act Art. 36B (a) imposing restrictive penalties
freedom to acts of freedom of expression as is the use of radio frequencies.
• Require the unrestricted application of the Indian Act and ILO Convention 169, which oversee the promotion
the rights of indigenous peoples to preserve their culture, media and found
promote sustainable development of the territories they inhabit.

4. Written press
The concentration of ownership of the Chilean press is one of the highest in the region. A policy
Progressive media must ensure deconcentration, to promote diversity and pluralism. The media
They should offer room for different views and opinions, contributing to raising the quality of our democracy.

PROPOSALS
• To promote the survival of media to contribute to a pluralistic press through tax benefits,
credit and economic alternative distribution duopoly press.
• Increase the allocation of state avisaje small and regional media when they are
considered suitable for this purpose, providing a competitive factor that contributes to pluralism and
freedom of expression in the print media.

5. Digital media and the Internet
Although in the past decades, the Government of Chile has made progress in ensuring connectivity
digital networks and infrastructure, especially in developing the so-called Universal Internet access nationwide
and recently in the expansion of mobile services, we are far from having policies
public based on a comprehensive, inclusive and convergent perspective of the various technological processes,
social, cultural, educational and economic factors that are associated with this change. The sheer number of people
bit connected to digital networks and silent on an effective process of social inclusion to broaden access
information, communication and knowledge. A progressive proposal does not conform to increase
cell number per capita, it is proposed to establish processes of social appropriation, cultural, educational and
for enhancing economic sustainable, equitable and quality for everyone digital development.
The process of "digitization Chilean" has been characterized by the implementation of programs and strategies
("Digital Agenda" or "Digital Agenda for Development") in the periods 1998-2012 (Coalition governments
and Alliance for Chile) that have been associated with areas of Telecommunications Development Agenda
Economic and Digital Entrepreneurship and market development services associated with Technologies
Information and Communication Technology (ICT). However, actions have been rather segmented
and biased, lacking a comprehensive social and convergent look.
Today two alarming trends in Chile are recorded in the field of telecommunications,
specifically in regard to the digital infrastructure:-greater concentration of ownership even that

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9

-traditional media and deepening of the digital divide. The latter is explained not only by the
limitations involved in the ability to pay, but for different types of use conditioned by factors
sociocultural. In this sense, international experience has shown categorically that the State
You can promote more vigorously a social perspective, where their role is supplemented as
guaranteeing equal access to the promotion of competition in the market for technologies
communication and information through policies and legislation aimed at different levels of intervention,
regulation and facilitation of efficient markets.
Public policies on access to technology in countries like ours must demonstrate - as all
social policies - a particular concern for minimizing the effects of pre-existing structural differences and promote strategies to reduce the digital divide.

PROPOSALS
• Establish Internet as a public service for social purposes enshrined in law ensuring
available at affordable prices to all city residents.


























public politics.




GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

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PROPOSALS


shift.












GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

eleven

PARTNERSHIP

Alejandra Botitnelli

Jorge Cienfuegos

Miguel Márquez

Alvaro Miranda

Jorge Farias

Miguel Prieto

Andres Solimano

Jorge Vergara

Paul Labbé

Arturo Duclos

Juan Carlos Urquidi

Patricia Morales

Beatriz Stager

Juan Gumucio

Patricia Peña

Berna Castro

Juan Casassus

Patrick Hermann

Lagos Camilo

Juan Valenzuela

Oriele Nuñez

Carlos Ominami

Maia Seeger

Rafael Urriola

Ciro Colombara

Manuel Baquedano

Rainer Hauser

Claudia Perez

Manuel Ipinza

Raul Requena

Claudia Rodriguez

Manuela Gumucio

Rodrigo Chauriye

Cristian Galaz

Maria Pia Matta

Rodrigo Urzúa

Daniel Flores

Marcelo Lepe

Samuel Jimenez

Edgardo Bruna

Marcos Ortiz

Sandra Valenzuela

Federico Stager

Marisol Vera

Ortiz Varinia

Felipe Fuenzalida

Matias Negrete

Victor Hugo Carrasco

Fernando Gonzalez

Mauricio Electorat

Waldo Lopez

Jaime Parada

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

12

GENDER
WE'RE DIFFERENT,
BUT WITH THE SAME

RIGHTS

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

]

]

GENDER

The Major advances concretized since the return to democracy in Chile has broadened the
economic autonomy and improve the protection of basic rights of women.
However, the persistence of traditional and conservative nature of our political system has forced the
postponement of historical claims on gender equality, for example as regards
sexual and reproductive rights; to participation in political decision-making bodies; conditions
distribution of work and care tasks. This despite the widespread legitimacy which enjoys
objective of gender equality among citizens.
In the current governmental period (2011-2014) recorded declines in addressing policies
gender. This is reflected in the new Equal Opportunities Plan 2010-2020 it was amending
participatory made in the previous government term: the new version omits topics as PIO
autonomy over one's body or sexual and reproductive rights, replacing topics
general health.
Chile has fallen sharply in the ranking of Gender Equality of the World Economic Forum (The WEF-
World Economic Forum): from 46th place it occupied in 2010, fell to 87 in 2012. In the case
Chile, this drop is due to alarming results in political participation categories (0.1448 points, rank
64) and participation in the economy and opportunities (0.5475 points, rank 110). Among the 111 countries studied
since 2006, 88% (98 countries) improved the situation of inequality, while in 13 countries widened
gaps. Unfortunately, Chile is part of the latter.
In the current government of the Alliance, the National Women's Service (SERNAM) he has opted for an approach
focused on overcoming poverty and strengthening the family as the international concert
human rights of women indicates that gender inequality should be addressed from the perspective of
rights and empowerment of women. The matrix of the current conservative government is evident in
policies that involve women in their traditional roles, in a single family model, based
in a classic sexual division of labor.
Upon recognition of the indispensable contribution of women to democracy and building a
more just and integrated society, our commitment aims to eliminate one by one the inequalities
those subject. We must collectively raise taxes vetoes discussion of value themes,
and overcome outdated cultural patterns, and advance the establishment of mechanisms to ensure the effective
empowerment of those who are now unfairly underrepresented in our institutions
democratic.
Our country urgently needs comprehensive and cross-cutting public policies aimed at ending the
inequalities between men and women, respecting the diversity of each genre. This requires, in our view,
emphasize two complementary intervention: the enactment of a legal framework that obliges the Chilean State
to protect the rights enshrined in various international treaties, and the will of a
Executive to commit to a sustained policy towards gender equality. To do this, we generate
three key initiatives:

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2

1. We will promote a new constitution for Chile, that:
• Cautele the principle of equality between women and men, with a view to achieving formal equality and
substantive, thus assuming compliance with international standards signed by Chile.
• Recognize sexual and reproductive rights of women.
2. We will urge the parliamentary discussion in order to ratify the Optional Protocol to the
CEDAW, which binds the State internationally in Chile for safeguarding rights
women, and also give urgency to the debate on the Framework Law on Sexual and
Reproductive found in the National Congress since 2000 in a state of first processing
constitutional. For any of these legal instruments has been requested by the President of the
Republic legislative emergency for over a decade. 1 In this regard, it is regrettable that neither the
Coalition governments or the Right have been able to ratify an agreement signed
by the State of Chile, which aims to eliminate all forms of discrimination against
women.
3. assume the presidential commitment to a government held equal. Since the presidency of
the Republic will promote sustained and undeniable way, alternating and balanced participation
of women and men in all positions of responsibility for appointing the executive of the nation.
It is this commitment to an egalitarian government, in which the senior designation
President of the Republic, ministers, deputies, mayors and governors; Ambassadors and
diplomatic ministers, and representatives from international organizations; Comptroller General of the Republic;
Members of the Constitutional Court, among others, are nominated in response to parity criteria,
criteria are consistently maintained throughout the corresponding presidential term.
We also propose legally regulate alternating by sex of the authorities of both
Chilean houses of Parliament. The political representation of women is one of the debts
our democracy, along with infringing citizens, impoverishes politics, discouraging to
new actors and actresses and encouraging the maintenance of such groups provided in the areas of
decision. We understand that a progressive government should be at the forefront giving strong signals
on a path towards equality.

Care public policy and employment
Progress towards the empowerment of women requires a comprehensive look to overcome the traditional division
sex work, that has historically set the distribution of responsibilities and tasks in public and
private. In this context, employment policies must be articulated with care policies: only one approach
cross-gender policy ensures substantive progress towards autonomy.
The family-work duality often undermine the professional development and economic independence
women, relegating them to work part-time and causing repeated interruptions in their careers
labor. Among other things, Chile needs to improve the performance of kindergartens and nurseries, and
as they generate confidence in mothers. Indeed, the survey Family, Motherhood and Parenting 2011
indicates that only 29% of mothers "trust" in the nurseries and 37% trust the Kindergarten, figures
absolutely discouraging for the purpose of these centers.
However, not enough to improve the quality of these establishments to "alleviate" the obligations
supposedly female. First of all it is necessary to challenge traditional patterns still in force
XXI century, they are indicating that women are "naturally" responsible for housework and

1 Protocol is parked in parliament since 2002 and the Framework Law since 2000.

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3

family care in general and also promote the recognition of the social and economic value of
women's work (paid and unpaid) removing barriers that interfere with the incorporation
women to the labor market and promoting a shared public responsibility for the
caring for dependents (children, adults / as elderly, sick / as) through a public policy
universal care, this is ensured by the state and shared by women and men.
The progressive government program contemplauna series of measures through which the State will seek
guarantee a series of fundamental rights that enshrine the principles of solidarity, humanity and
gender and intergenerational generosity, which includes the following areas of intervention:
1. Creation of the Fourth Pillar Solidario which seeks to ensure the care of sick / as and adult / older as.
The Fourth Pillar Solidarity foresees the creation of a network of adult care services (as) and older
sick (as) by part-time, and in their homes, in order to avoid the breakdown of family ties,
making possible the maintenance of elderly men and women and their families and promoting
self employment of women and the sharing of men and women in the economy
care.
2. Ensure adequate child care and facilirar exit the labor market:
to. Copayment of the nursery for children under two years to all parents
salaried / os, beyond the size of the company. We believe that the payment of the nursery
children under two years should be the responsibility of the employer as both mother
of the father. The fact exclusively associate the mother discourages hiring women and
It does not recognize parental responsibility. Asimimo we need to legislate to extend the obligation
payment of the nursery for children under two years to all mothers and fathers employed /
you, regardless of the number of women working in the company. To this must be removed
current rule provides for the payment of the nursery only in those companies that have at least
20 employees.
b. Increase coverage of nurseries and kindergartens throughout the country.
c. Expand the coverage of infant care program "SERNAM 4-7. This program
It allows women to work while their children from 6-13 years old participate in activities
extracurricular in schools in the district.
d. Plan cultural visibility and economic valuation of unpaid care work. As
first stage of a public policy aimed at redistributing the common work between men
and women equally, generate a plan of cultural visibility and economic valuation
the unpaid work of care and, in particular, domestic work, for which achievment
We include in the budget of the Ministry of Finance funds to carry out a national survey
Time Use (EUT), which makes visible the workload of paid and unpaid support
women.
The rate of female participation in Chile is 47%. More than half of the new jobs
generated in the last three years are held by women; It has grown female employment. Nevertheless,
enter the labor market this has not translated into improvements in the quality of life of the poorest women.
This is directly linked to the way women are integrated into the labor market, in conditions
insecurity, vulnerability and instability (21.8% of salaried no contract) and with lower wages
Like the men to work. "It is found that increasing the economic participation of women
is not enough by itself to alter the structural patterns that are still playing, and even
strengthening in joining the world of work: in the last 36 months 32% of these jobs
women are self-employed, domestic staff and unpaid family service "(Foundation Sun
2013).

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4

The big challenge for a progressive government is transversely combine a policy of universal care with
"Decent Work" (UN) for women. Not enough to increase jobs for women,
but we need better quality jobs, more protected and better wages. For that:
3. We will promote the analysis and monitoring of the Law on equal pay for men and women
same job. So far, the existence of this law has not been reflected in a decrease
the wage gap between men and women.
4. We will generate strict instructions to the supervisory bodies of Labour (Labour Directorate,
Comptroller of the Republic), to hear the quality of female employment and ensure the receipt
labor rights of women workers, encouraging a permanent control of jobs and
educating workers in the exercise of their rights.
5. The Code of good labor practices and non-discrimination for the Central Government
It is an important instrument for the respect and promotion of equality and the rights of
women at work. Cautelaremos that all state agencies and public enterprises take care of
and we suggest its application to private companies take their guidance.
6. Cautelaremos labor rights and health and safety of workers, with special attention
industries that provide seasonal employment. Especially in the case of agricultural temporary,
necessary precautionary believe the existence of employment contracts and control over the use and exposure
workers to pesticides. In the reviews (V, VI and VII) regions, deploy strict surveillance plans
between the peak months in agriculture, as well as analysis of herbicide residues in the environment and in
workers (as) exposed fixing reentry periods and lack eliminate all risk
exposure to pesticides, and permanent and mandatory occupational health of temporary monitoring.
7. We will support entrepreneurship and the development of economic and community networks of women
Indians. We will promote the creation of a fund for the promotion of women entrepreneurship
Indians who support the development of activities related to the enhancement of its cultural heritage
ancestral and productive innovations to ensure their economic and social empowerment as well as their
communities.
8. We will ensure the labor rights of immigrant women, creating programs that help
to orient themselves in their installation and their employment by promoting links between compatriots, and
maintenance and strengthening of their culture of origin, as well as support for productive enterprises.
9. We will review the bill to reform the marital partnership proposed by the government in 2011,
but raises repeal the conjugal partnership, as it is raised could deepen inequalities.

Violence against women
Violence is a problem of public and critical for governments and states.
This should result in budgets commensurate with the social impact of this problem. Gender violence
not only affects the woman who suffers directly, but their family and social environment, especially to children,
and adolescents who are collateral victims with serious psychological consequences.

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5

As measured by prevalence of violence against women, more than a third of women in Chile
He has been the victim of domestic violence. Of all women who have had a relationship of coexistence
(Spouse or partner) one in four reported having been victims of physical violence, about 37%,
victim of psychological violence and 15% reported having been victims of sexual violence.
It is essential to foster a commitment to country with the promotion of education of masculinity
inclusive, egalitarian and respectful of diversity. All social agencies (the central government, ministries,
plans and educational programs, school agents, journalists and the media)
should include programs that promote respect for others (a), dialogic forms in conflict resolution,
and overcoming misogynist practices and undeserving of equal rights and capacities
women and men. Only a profound cultural change will allow us to make the leap to an egalitarian society.
• Promote a comprehensive law to protect women against violence, which distinguishes
violence against women from domestic violence. Not just increase sanctions but
urges promote awareness and information of the population to gender violence and
protection of women victims of domestic violence under any circumstances, as
establish international standards. Cautelaremos a more efficient implementation of the Act
Domestic Violence (20,066) to consider an expansion of the number of Family Courts
to expedite the processing of cases and requests for precautionary protection against acts of violence
imminent.
• We will strengthen gender justice and domestic violence in each of the regions
country. Firstly, replicated in each region instance Centers precautionary measures
Santiago, a body that has been consolidated in the region and has shown efficiency in expediting
urgent requirements in matters of precautionary measures on domestic violence and protection
children and adolescents to protection of victims is made even before it
make the first hearing of the judicial process.
• We will double the number of shelters for women victims of violence in a period
four years. Currently, there are 24 homes that are, obviously insufficient. Are you
institutions should take over the support and multidisciplinary, legal and psychological treatment to
assaulted people and open housing and job opportunities in order to facilitate autonomy
the economic independence of the victims with their children.
• Education inclusive, egalitarian and respectful of diversity masculinity. The state
You should reward and promote awareness campaigns through the SERNAM and policy
curricula through the MOE to pick up the discussion on the need for a new
masculinity for the twenty-educating men on respect for diversity through more
early age.
• The state should provide gender training for teachers at all levels of the system
educational and generating, from the Ministry of Education in coordination with SERNAM, awards programs to
"egalitarian" schools, which promote education directed to recognize diversity based on the
gender, and review the curricula plans and curricula in order to
incorporating inclusive and egalitarian outlook and teaching of sex education.
Projects will promote communication and audiovisual creation aimed at eliminating prejudice and
based on the idea of ​​the inferiority or superiority of one sex practices.

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

6

Sexual rights and reproductive health
Although the autonomy of the body is one of the essential rights in regard to gender equality,
SERNAM in the current management is not expressly stated in this regard.
Chile's right-even in the most liberal, interferes with the exercise of sexual and reproductive rights
religious arguments, putting election of a personal nature to public policy issues. With
often technical and scientific foundations that should accompany policy decisions are
They are distorted by individual religious convictions of some authorities who forget the character
public function.
Access to contraception in Chile is conditioned basically by SES; while
the debate over abortion is banned. Although emergency contraception should be
available to women who need it in the offices of the country, still get a career
obstacles. This implies that there is equal access of women to this resource, and that,
Again, the right to sexual and reproductive health depends on individual economic possibilities.
1. We will urge the parliamentary discussion of the Framework Law on Sexual and Reproductive Rights
that is in the national congress since 2000 in the state of first constitutional procedure,
without it has been requested by the President of the Republic legislative emergency during these 13 years.
The SRR Framework law should ensure access to information, sexual education in schools,
contraception, including emergency contraception.
2. Ensure the appropriate, timely, humane and confidential care if teen pregnancy.
3. Fiscalizaremos and ensure access to contraceptive methods in all country offices.
4. We will promote the replacement of the regulation authorizing therapeutic abortion; in case of risk to life
Mother, impossibility of the fetus and rape.
5. We will open the public debate on abortion.
6. We will create Friendly Health Centers for Adolescents and Youth Sexual and Reproductive Health.
7. We will develop campaigns to prevent HIV and AIDS and sexually transmitted infections.
8. We will create Service Centers Assisted Reproduction in the Public Health System. 15% of the
Chilean population is infertile.
9. We will create programs of sexual and reproductive health for women in primary care.
10. We will implement the course of secular sex education in municipal schools and subvecionados
across the country. 70% of schools in Chile has no sex education in Chile.
In Chile, the value of health plans is determined on the basis of more or less medical risk
It presents the affiliate according to sex, age or condition of the contributor or cargo. From the legal point of view and the right to
health, this represents a discrimination affecting in particular women and seniors. The
Women comprise mostly discriminated group as risk factors to twice
higher than men. The risk factor represents the number of times by which to multiply the
basis of any health plan, which in turn price is adjusted annually, in addition to the monthly increase
which implies the fact of being expressed in UF (UF).
From a progressive perspective, the right to health is universal and the State must ensure
compliance, preventing them from discriminating on the basis of sex or age.

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7

Therefore, we establish a table of one and the same for men and women factors as gender and age,
regardless of ISAPRES. In this way, competition will be more transparent as it will focus
Based on the value of the plans.

Political Participation
Chile has a female political participation well below the global and regional average. In 2012, at
Globally, women held 19.7% of parliamentary seats, while in Latin America
that percentage rose to 23%. In Chile, less than 14% of parlmenarios seats (Chamber of Deputies)
They are occupied by women. Therefore, the country needs a law that favors comprehensive decidedly fees
the integration of women in political decision-making bodies.
Women represent more than 50% of the Chilean population, yet have a reduced presence
all political spaces 13.9% in the legislature, mayors 12.7% and 24.9% in the departments. So
only 27.2% of ministers of state are women and only 2.7% of the embassies are run by women.
These figures are even lower than the global and regional average, women represent 19.7%
and 22.6%, respectively, in parliament (ODP, UN 2012). Thus, whereas in the world participation
women has risen in the last decade at rates of over 40%, in Chile is stagnant or has decreased
(ODP 2012, UN).
The correction of these distortions depends on the will and conviction who diriga the country, which has
Chile failed in recent years, independitentemente the genre of the current president. Therefore, as
progressive government, commit to correct these distortions. In particular, we propose a plan
a series of positive actions that enable us to move towards equality:
1. Progressive Plan towards equality in gender representation in elected office.
Legislate to encourage the progressive attainment of gender equality between women and men
in elected office, through a quota mechanism that ensures gender
rebalancing political representation.
Gender quotas apply progressively to reach a representation that
Safeguard joint gender balance in a ratio of at least 40/60% between them in
a period of three successive elections, starting with a minimum of 30% participation of gender
underrepresented (whether women or men, at present and in all areas, this imbalance
It affects women) in the first election, which must be extended by at least 5% in each act
subsequent election, so that, from the third national election, both genders maintain a
balance of at least 40/60% in the number of representatives.
This progressive plan considered the same minimum percentages of gender participation in
the elected office and will, therefore, an obligation of political parties, which
should consider this minimum gender balance in the preparation of the electoral lists of pre-candidates and candidates for elected positions. 2


2 was speaking of lists of "pre-candidates" if parties contemplating conducting primaries for

forming definitive lists, and "applications" for the case where not performed.

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8

The political authorities will be affected to challenge their penalties, as if candidaturasen comply with these progressive goals.
2. Commitment to alternating and equal participation of women and men in the
positions of highest authority of public agencies presidential nomination.
We affirm our commitment to equal government, in which senior appointment
the presidency of the Republic: ministers, secretaries, mayors and governors;
ambassadors and diplomatic ministers, and representatives from international organizations; Comptroller
General of the Republic; Members of the Constitutional Court, among others, are nominated in care
parity criteria, which criteria are consistently maintained throughout the period
corresponding presidential.

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

9

PARTNERSHIP

Alejandra Botitnelli

Jorge Cienfuegos

Miguel Márquez

Alvaro Miranda

Jorge Farias

Miguel Prieto

Andres Solimano

Jorge Vergara

Paul Labbé

Arturo Duclos

Juan Carlos Urquidi

Patricia Morales

Beatriz Stager

Juan Gumucio

Patricia Peña

Berna Castro

Juan Casassus

Patrick Hermann

Lagos Camilo

Juan Valenzuela

Oriele Nuñez

Carlos Ominami

Maia Seeger

Rafael Urriola

Ciro Colombara

Manuel Baquedano

Rainer Hauser

Claudia Perez

Manuel Ipinza

Raul Requena

Claudia Rodriguez

Manuela Gumucio

Rodrigo Chauriye

Cristian Galaz

Maria Pia Matta

Rodrigo Urzúa

Daniel Flores

Marcelo Lepe

Samuel Jimenez

Edgardo Bruna

Marcos Ortiz

Sandra Valenzuela

Federico Stager

Marisol Vera

Ortiz Varinia

Felipe Fuenzalida

Matias Negrete

Victor Hugo Carrasco

Fernando Gonzalez

Mauricio Electorat

Waldo Lopez

Jaime Parada

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

10

DIVERSITY

SEXUAL
MORE DIVERSITY

Less discrimination

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

]

]

HUMAN RIGHTS AND SEXUAL DIVERSITY.
A NEW DEAL FROM Progressivism
The egalitarian struggle waged by the LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender) belongs in
property, the field of human rights. This, which may seem obvious to some, is an aspect
little internalized by the citizenry and the political world in the broad sense.
On the one hand, much of society perceives the demands of sexual diversity as demands for
minor portion of the population, regardless of whether or not empathize with them. I dare
even say that many members of the LGBT population own share this statement should be
consulted, as there is a profound ignorance of the universe that constitute human rights.
Moreover, we tend to associate the idea of ​​human rights violation in his dictatorship, given
the deep wounds that remain open. This is reasonable, because in Chile were murdered, tortured and
disappeared thousands of compatriots, crimes mostly go unpunished. Lorena Fries,
Director of the National Human Rights Institute (NHRI) confirms: "The perception and knowledge of
citizens about their rights directly related to the historical experience of violation of
rights suffered a huge number of people during the dictatorship. " This is supported by surveys
of the Institute. One of them, conducted in 2011, reveals that "more than 80% believe that in the past
seriously violated the rights of the people, however, this view coexists with a high degree of
ignorance about the specificity of other rights. "
For equality between heterosexual and homosexual rights a reality, the idea has to be installed
the denial and / or violation of civil rights of sexual minorities is, in itself, an attack
human rights. And while the public does not perceive this very serious offense, little progress can be made.
Hence the purpose of this paper is to clarify the relationship between human and civil rights, in light of the
most urgent needs of the LGBT population in Chile, and to establish the most relevant criteria for
building a progressive agenda in this area.

HUMAN RIGHTS AND SEXUAL DIVERSITY
However there are two important considerations that explain why the focus of the discussion should be oriented towards
human rights:
a) The universal ethical value, based on the principle that "freedom, justice and peace in the world have
based on the recognition of the inherent dignity todoslos members of the human family and their
equal and inalienable rights; Y
b) His inseparable relationship with civil and political rights.
Indeed, the latter are in a category of human rights, since "can not be performed
the ideal of free human beings enjoying civil and political freedom and freedom from fear and
misery, unless conditions whereby everyone may enjoy his civil rights are created and
politicians, as well as his economic, social and cultural rights ".
One of the guiding documents for those who want to know these issues are the Principles
Yogyakarta on the Application of International Human Rights Law to Issues
Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity (2007), prepared by experts from various disciplines based
in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It consists of 29 points a preamble in which
1 Monleón Fries, L. "The National Institute of Human Rights in Chile and its challenges to move towards a comprehensive vision in speech
and practice of human rights in Chile Yearbook on Human Rights. " Retrieved on Aug 13, 2012, from http: //www.anuariocdh.uchile.
cl / index.php / ADH / article / viewArticle / 20572/21743
2 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 1966.

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2

They are recognized as grounds for violation of such "marginalization, stigmatization and prejudice" based on
sexual orientation and gender identity. The coverage is broad principles and includes protection in
broad areas (the right to universal enjoyment of human rights; rights to equality and non-
discrimination, for example) and individuals (the right to participate in cultural life; the right to freedom of
peaceful assembly and association, etc.) For its size and universality, principles are erected on a
solid foundation that summarizes some of the needs of the LGBT population.
These principles of universal validity join treaties and declarations signed by Chile, as the five
Resolutions on sexual orientation and gender identity of the United Nations General Assembly
(2008, 2009, 2010, 2011 and 2012), condemning violations of human rights to diversity
sexual and expressing their extreme concern
"Violence, harassment, discrimination, exclusion, stigmatization and prejudice are directed against
people of all countries in the world because of their sexual orientation or gender identity, and
that these practices undermine the integrity and dignity of those subjected to these abuses "(2008).
As in point 1 of the declaration of 2012 it was resolved:
"To condemn discrimination against persons based on sexual orientation and gender identity,
and urge States within the parameters of the legal institutions of their system
internal, to take necessary measures to prevent, punish and eradicate such discrimination. "
And in paragraph 2 it is agreed:
"To condemn acts of violence and human rights violations against persons because of their
sexual orientation and gender identity, and urge States to prevent, investigate and ensure
victims judicial protection and equal and that their perpetrators
and brought to justice. "

In addition, in the context of the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) that Chile paid to the Council
Human Rights of the United Nations in 2009, the State accepted the recommendations made by
Sweden, the Netherlands, New Zealand and Czech Republic prohibiting any discrimination
arising from sexual orientation and gender identity.
This brief state of affairs, however, is only applicable to an ideal scenario. By the way, not Chile
qualifies. Without even going into the serious violations that the State has incurred it is important
specify that the modification of the "rules" require that the concept we have to modernize
human rights, that is, to stop being a burden-a "stigma" to deal with the subject of
its violations in the past to become a development strategy. This idea, borrowed from Victor
Abramovich, rises strongly "not only [to] raise with the State what to do (...) but also in
some cases raise with the state could do to ensure rights ". In legal terms, it would
to think Abramovich- says,
"The law of human rights not only as a right that sets limits on the abuse of power;
as a right which can in certain contexts become a program of positive actions
States, a program to develop specific policies aimed at structural problems

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which emanate from such violations. I think this is a real change in the logic of work
the movement for human rights "3
Indeed, any development strategy in this area should include building policies
egalitarian public, forcing the state to review "the fundamentals and instruments of public policy
In light of the ethical and moral human "rights principles and, of course, adapt. For this says
Ludwig Guendel, should promote "cultural changes [in] society to internalize the
values ​​and norms based on the recognition of human rights in the practices and institutions
social. "4

Thus, proactive dimension associated with the new concept of human rights urges the authorities
policies to take an unprecedented role in their advocacy. Here, the creation of July NHRI
2010 is, in the words of its director, "the first stone of what should be an institutional network
promotion and defense of human rights in Chile. "5 Add to this the establishment of the Secretariat will be added
Human Rights, now in its first legislative process.
The central question is then: are political, partisan and state institutions, willing to take
its historical role in this process?

A new context for claims of sexual diversity
Equal rights has crystallized as a well sought after by large sectors of society
Chilean. A few years ago, the campaign "I ignored until everyone can" broadcast on Facebook
by the Chilean resident Bonnie Leclerc French citizen, he verbalized an idea that has slowly gone
taking consistency: the demands of LGBT groups have permeated citizens
they see an element of social cohesion and dignity "of other" equal rights. Only
As an example, in the Second Study on Population Connected (Ipsos, February 2012), 48% of the
Respondents said to be favorable to gay marriage, up 14 points compared to September
2010. Although there is less optimistic measurements, there is a general upward trend on these and
other demands, which is no coincidence.
In Chile and in the world, it has been a process of powerful transformations
over the last decade, with unusual acceleration in the last five years. In it they converge historical,
social, political and cultural in equal measure.
On the one hand, the struggle of over 20 years of organizations such as the Movement of Integration and Liberation
Homosexual (MOVILH) strongly contributed to make visible the cause of sexual minorities, and thus to
modify the operating institutionalized thinking about it (who qualified for diversity
sex and sick, evil, sinful, etc.) This was relieved by the United Nations Programme
United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), which in 2005 highlighted the MOVILH as one of the four references of the
civil society, a total of more than 80,000 existing in Chile, considering success in their objectives. Such success
It is based on its ability to propose specific policies for sexual diversity, but also to influence
effectively in their implementation.

3 Abramovich, Victor: "The impact of international law on human rights
in public policy, "in: Observatory of Public Policy of Human Rights in the Mercosur. Public Policy
human rights in the MERCOSUR. Montevideo, 2004.
4 Guendel, Ludwig. "Public policies and human rights", in: Journal of Social Sciences, Year III, No. 97. Costar Rica, 2002.
5 Fries, op.

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This has its counterpart in the scientific world pronouncements about homosexuality. In 1990, the
World Health Organization (WHO) removed homosexuality from the International Classification
Diseases and other health problems. Decades earlier, in 1974, the American Psychiatric Association
He had removed homosexuality from the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-II).
The future is expected to give both instances similar steps on transsexuality.
Globalization, meanwhile, has allowed the dissemination of the new way of perceiving and sexual diversity
justice demands. This has been held in the visibility of sexual orientations and identities
different gender in media (MTV should ambassador because he considered), social networks,
etc. This has also favored a process of awareness of the serious consequences of the
homophobia. The case of Daniel Zamudio, for example, made headlines around the world, which is significant,
considering that five years ago, or maybe less, he had been a police case more without projections
various local areas.
As an additional factor, the loss of validity of ecclesiastical discourse about the outrageous-even
criminal- discordance between facts and preaching, it has undermined the credibility of the system of values ​​"administered"
Catholicism, fissuring a system component believed to stone. In contrast, and this only as
a hypothesis, there was an intuitive turn towards universal values ​​such as dignity and respect in a
important population segment, especially among young people.

The apathy of the political class
Product of the irrepressible impulse to the demands of the LGBT population, channeled through activism,
the political class has had to rule on their agreement or disagreement with them. What once were
comfortable silences today worldviews are to be sinceradas product of the final installation
the issue of equality in the public debate.
In the contingent, almost every game of the spectrum, including "false progressives" have leftist
shown varying degrees of homophobia, either because they have promoted laws that connotation, either because
They have slowed the progress of equality or because they have made about deaf ears. And no one is saved. Do not
We delve here into the tens of actions promoted by the religious right aiming for
example, to close the door to gay marriage and anti-discrimination law. In it there is nothing new.
Rather, erratic state the interest that showed the center and the left on these issues, despite
its self-proclaimed as defenders of human rights.
With great effort, we could understand the statements of Patricio Aylwin in 1993, who was emphatic
to express a foreign journalist: "In Chile there is no discrimination of the kind you ask"
said of the humiliation to sexual minorities, then concluded: "Overall, society
reacts with sympathy toward homosexuality. " Say with effort, because if human rights
about the priorities at the time were clear. What is unclear, however, is that more than one
decade later, Michelle Bachelet has violated every one of his campaign proposals to
sexual diversity. We read in your program:
"We must foster a culture of respect and valuing people for their ideals, for their work,
for their abilities. The Chile we want to know how to welcome all its citizens, regardless of whether
their sexual orientation. We must recognize that as a society we have wronged in this matter.
We have often mocked us, we have often discriminated against.

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Propose legislation to provide basic legal stability to unmarried couples, regardless
its composition and regulate the acquisition of common goods, inheritance rights, burdens and benefits
insurance, and other civil matters.
In the curricula incorporate specific content on sex education, emphasizing
respect for sexual minorities. Create within the Ministry of Education an instance of
protection and assistance to students affected by discriminatory practices ".
If there is sincerity, we have to believe Ricardo Lagos Weber, Minister Secretary General of Government
in 2006, who when questioned by some political groups on the unions, he stated, "are not
government priority. " The fact is that the government of Bachelet completed, none of his promises
he had done.
It is no coincidence that during the campaign the issue Sebastian Pinera was installed from a dimension
proactive, Life Partner Agreement included. The historical and social circumstances and pushed it
somehow he has managed to capitalize. Even one of his bitterest opponents, Carlos Peña, held
this aspect, stating, with some exaggeration that a rightist government in sexual minorities
They were "more protected than ever before, recognized in censuses and financing programs
public". Peña concluded, rightly, that this can only be explained because "this is not a government of the right.
It is the government of Piñera. " Part of hopes, however dissolve, when faced with the current
ruler with his own contradictions. On more than one occasion, he said that marriage is between
man and woman. He said at the launch of the Golden Jubilee bonus and will continue repeating, perhaps, to the end
of its mandate.
We can say, then, that the current political forces are not up to the históricosociales changes that have been occurring, leaving the new social actors-world "empowered"
political groups and progressives genuinely in a position to take them. What and how they describe
below.

1. A Constitution rooted in human rights
A new treatment for sexual diversity requires changes in the rules. In the macro,
We think of a new constitution that guarantees real equality-not nominally, by way of
constitutional commitment to human rights, especially of treaties and agreements signed by the
Chilean state.
We believe it is not enough Article 5, paragraph 2 of the current Constitution, which states:
"The exercise of sovereignty recognizes as a limitation respect for the essential rights deriving
of human nature. It is the duty of the organs of the State to respect and promote such rights,
guaranteed by this Constitution and by international treaties ratified by Chile that
They are in force. "
In this regard, the statement on the website of Human Rights Center of the Universidad Diego Portales: "In the
legal and political (...) practice the impact of the reform [Article 5 °] it has been tenuous. References to the right
International human rights are scarce and inaccurate. "
Indeed, the intention expressed in Article 5 is not consistent with the facts. This has, at least,
two reasons. The first is the lack of specificity in the wording, which demonstrate a commitment debiese
explicit, but also operating with international human rights standards.

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In the Mexican Constitution, for example, a series of concrete actions contemplated since its reform
in June 2011. Among the measures to relieve the commitment to these universal values, rise
constitutional status to human rights protected by international treaties ratified by the
country; it requires all authorities to prevent, investigate, punish and remedy violations of rights
humans; a catalog of rights that can not be suspended under any circumstances create; is "ciudadaniza"
selecting permanent bodies for protection of human rights; and the ability of states
National Human Rights Commission to bring actions for unconstitutionality against local laws
and federal violate human rights contained in the Constitution and in international treaties
to which Mexico is a party.
Second, Chilean judges have acted with excessive discretion and, even worse, a
scandalous ignorance of the Chilean obligation in the implementation of human rights
emanating from the Constitution. Fernando Muñoz Leon, Doctor of Law from Yale University, sees the
training of the judiciary a key factor internalizing these principles.
In his view, it is a priority "that is incorporated as a central goal of the training in the Judicial Academy
promotion and respect of human rights and that this item be included in the evaluation of staff
Primary ranks of the judiciary (ie judges). "6 This is consistent with point IV
judgment of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights by the Atala case, forcing the Chilean State
to "continue to implement, within a reasonable time, permanent programs and education courses and
training programs for civil servants at regional and national level and particularly officials
legal and all areas echelons of the judiciary ". More serious it is that the "Supreme Court has come
to delete the references to international law of human rights when a lower court
in the hierarchy has made "says the team of the Center for Human Rights of the U. Diego portals-and even worse," the
Constitutional Court reviews the constitutionality of treaties and interprets its provisions in the light of the
rules of domestic law, rather than verify, as mandated by the law of treaties, legislation
Domestic conforms to international regulations. "
Foregoing the need for a Constitution that follows is explicit in the defense of these
values ​​and not dependent on the vagaries of state bodies whose conservatism is known for
all. This involves moving from statements to complex and binding pronouncements, with roots in the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Principles Yogyajkarta and the like.

2. Institutions for no antidiscrimination
With the recent enactment of the Anti-Discrimination Act, the need to build an institutional it opens
that compliance in Article No. 1, which obliges
"Each of the organs of the State Administration within the scope of their competence,
develop and implement policies to ensure to all persons, without arbitrary discrimination,
the enjoyment and exercise of their rights and freedoms recognized by the Constitution of the Republic,
laws and international treaties ratified by Chile that are in force ".

6 Fernando Muñoz in an interview with the author.

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For organizations that fought for a decade by the law, this is one of the most important paragraphs
because it commits the government to long-term strategies in the field of non-discrimination,
aligned with universal human rights standards. Hence, it is urgent to give the country a
body to ensure compliance with the law in the areas of prevention, control and processing
cases of arbitrary discrimination.
At this point, however, it has been fundamentally Movilh which has asked the authorities
even before the promulgation of the Law-know which strategies will be developed to give
compliance. While there have been some agreements, "artifact" that engages the State is required
this mandate.
This is critical if we consider that in the Yogyakarta Principles are expressly slogan:
"Everyone has the right to enjoy all human rights without discrimination on
basis of sexual orientation or gender identity. The law shall prohibit any discrimination and guarantee
to all persons equal and effective protection against discrimination. "
Again Mexico and Argentina set themselves up as role models. The first, with the opening of the Institute
National Discrimination, Xenophobia and Racism (INADI) in 1997; and second, by creating the
National Council to Prevent Discrimination (CONAPRED) in 2003. Both have common goals,
to promote anti-discrimination policies at national level; supervise compliance
respective anti-discrimination legal frameworks; knowing, guiding and channeling complaints about discrimination;
coordinate the various agencies involved in the state system, among others.
What alternatives has Chile to have a similar institutions? At least two. The first
It is to provide the NHRI budget allocations and their empowerment as watchdog
and promoter of public policies in the field of non-discrimination, which would take the
experience, expertise and capacity installed in the area. In this regard, the Institute could overcome their role
of "informant" to become an entity whose rulings are binding. The problem,
But it is that because of its quality of autonomous public corporation, has no chance of
influencing state administration effectively. In addition, limited territorial presence difficult
fulfilling its oversight role and promoter of local policies.
The second alternative is to create an ad-hoc body under the projected Undersecretary of rights
humans. We read in the project entered the parliament:
"(...) The creation of the Undersecretary seeks to optimize the management of the State, concentrating function
propose and coordinate public policies in the field of Human Rights, which today is exercised by
various organs. This new technique instance also collaborate with developed today functions
for others, as is, for example, the National Institute of Human Rights. "
This is undoubtedly an important project, but it requires a higher level of specificity
committed. Indeed, the undersecretary debiese contemplate, at least:
a) The extension of the state apparatus by creating specific bodies of their dependency. One of
they should meet and address complaints of discrimination occurred in the country, through offices
regional and / or provincial.

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b) The adoption of affirmative action, that is, temporary measures in favor of sectors
historically discriminated, the exercise of civil rights and / or policy has been (or is still
I saw) undermined.
c) The inclusion of civil society in their decisions. For now, the project includes the creation
of an interministerial committee, which reduces power to the body. If there is an alternative view to the
political power, you run the risk of remaining complacent, as they have been-for example the
Chancellery, regarding the Universal Periodic Review, or the judiciary regarding cases like
Karen Atala.

3. A commitment to the most violated: Gender Identity Law
If the lesbian / gay cause has cornered the so-called "value-based agenda," the needs of the population
transsexual are yet to be claimed on many levels. At least two factors contribute to this cause:
ignorance and / or prejudice towards this sector; and pathologizing of these women.
The truth is that the two are related. If human and civil rights of the population
transsexual are systematically violated, it is because the idea is widespread that theirs is a disorder
gender identity; or because ordinary people perceive some kind of disorder, physical or mental.
For example, the International Statistical Classification of Diseases and related Health Problems (ICD)
WHO and the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) agree definitions
pathologizing, in direct opposition to the statements made by rights bodies
human, they call for an end to such categorization.
In June 2009 the Commissioner for Human Rights of the Council of Europe, Thomas Hammarberg, presented
The report "Human Rights and Gender Identity". It defends the thesis that "pathologizing of
transgender people may become an obstacle in fulfilling their human rights ", which has
correlate in their civil and political rights. In his words, trans people "do not enjoy their rights
fundamental, both in terms of legal guarantees and in everyday life. " Only appealing to the Principles
Yogyakarta, the violation of human, civil and political rights of trans people is outrageous,
as stated in the reports of human rights of sexual diversity MOVILH published every year,
for more than a decade. A transsexual men and women are denied basic rights such as
access to a name condiga with their gender identity; the right to decent work; to form
a family, among others. As if that were not enough, in 2011 only 16 cases were reported transphobic abuse
very serious, even murder.
Given the above, urges the study of Gender Identity Act and the Gender Recognition Bill British,
or the recently passed in Argentina. But what are the minimum which is expected to see?
a) The possibility of adapting the name of the person to their gender identity through an act
simple in the civil registry. Today, the name change is subject to the party concerned
I was unable to access readjustment surgery body, which for various reasons (costs, period
of hormonización, etc.) is postponed, or decisively rejected. In the absence of such an operation,
must bring an action before the Court of Appeals requesting change of name and sex,
complex, expensive and long handling process. None of the two models, in any case, says
that justice grants authorization. In many cases, often it is given the name change, but
no sex.
b) The state recognition of gender identity as an experience of the individual, independent
of their biological sex, not as a pathology.

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c) The development of affirmative action to remedy some of the historical consequences of the
discrimination against them.
d) Prompt to health treatments and body readjustment hormonización access.
e) full citizenship, including the ability to form a family legally.
However, some encouraging news has helped to expose the needs of trans people in the
last time. For example, the Ministry of Health agreed to fund from 2013 some hormonizaciones
and body readjustment operations by way of FONASA. Previously, in September 2011,


We will not go into a deep disquisition on the arguments supporting equal marriage
as a necessity of the LGBT population, although this is, for many, the mother of all
claims. Partly because we do not believe to be such; or rather, because we know that the struggle more
It will focus hard on the bottom rung of conservatism: the adoption and / or recognition of children
of homo families.
The arguments to support equal marriage remain and can be read on some of the hundreds
sociological, legal and even psychological studies are published each year in the world. Although these
are debatable and there will always be anti-studies (quite outside the mainstream, by the way) the
human rights standards have, in my opinion, the last word. According to Principle 24 of the Declaration
Yogyakarta is inalienable
"The right to form a family, regardless of their sexual orientation or gender identity,
including through access to adoption or assisted reproduction. Several configurations of
families. No family may be subjected to discrimination based on sexual orientation or identity
gender of any of its members. "
The truth is that marriage is a social institution, recognized by civil law, and that as such should
adapt to the society that gives meaning. Marriage is at the service of social needs and not vice versa.
Meanwhile homoparentality, while generating much resentment, it is becoming subject to more
acceptance. In the Ipsos study referred to above, the approval of such families rose 25%
to 34% between August 2009 and February 2012. In the young audience figures they are much more encouraging.
According to the Sixth National Survey of Youth (2009), 51.3% of respondents said they were in favor
parenting of same-sex couples.

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Hence, it is paradoxical that the social approval is not reflected in the position of legislators;
nor in governments. The history of political opposition to the projects presented in this
sense is a sign of the enormous disconnect between "representatives" (the quotes are intentional) and
their constituents. So, they were presented two projects of equal marriage: the first in 2008
Marco Enríquez-Ominami and a small group of parliamentarians, but without success. In 2010 he was presented the
second, which it was developed by a group of senators led by Fulvio Rossi, with the same result.
The worst, however, was the withdrawal of the progressive groups in presidential elections
They followed, as it was the most propitious political moment (only occurs every 4 years!) to begin an onslaught of
speeches and proposals in this regard.
Today the scenario is different. The theme is installed on the agenda and will be present in the presidential
2013, which does not ensure its rapid realization, although for many it is a matter of time. Conservatism
and the prevailing ignorance are and will be-a stone abutment in this regard.
Even more serious it is how the Chilean government ignores human rights standards signed in
a number of declarations and conventions on the subject. In this the judges seem to take the lead
reactionary, especially when it comes to statements on families and children. The ruling Atala,
for example, it is very clear in establishing that "may not be admissible speculation, assumptions,
generalized stereotypes or considerations on personal characteristics or preferences of parents
on certain traditional cultural concepts of the family ". The Court continues the judgment,
"... He noted that the American Convention is determined not a closed concept
family, much less defined and protects only 'traditional' model of it. The concept of
Family life is not reduced only to marriage and other family relationships should cover indeed
where the parties are living together outside of marriage. "
Despite the strength of their wealth to and failure as a starting point to amend the abuses incurred by the
State both the judiciary and the legislature have shown that self-criticism is not exactly your thing 7.
That said, in Chile it should be encouraged equal marriage legislation that conforms to standards
international human rights. This is not minor, since none of the projects submitted to
date appear, even mentioned. This is because, in our view, the lack of awareness that proper
Lawmakers had-and continue to have-on linking these to civil claims and its
power as ethical category.
Consequently, any project of this nature must, at least:
In general,
· To grant the same rights and obligations that homosexual to heterosexual couples; Y
with the same names. Hence the nomenclature "equal marriage" is much more accurate
that of "homosexual marriage", despite the paranoia of conservatives, who see in this
name a mere communication strategy.

7 Equally important is the statement made in the judgment on the discrimination against LGBT people, in which
sexual orientation becomes a protected category by the American Convention, as are "race, color, sex, language, religion,
political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status "

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And in the particular
a) Comply fully with what is expressed in Article 102 of the Civil Code itself: "The faculty
to marry is a fundamental right inherent to the human person, if you have age
it. " If this article is taken at face value, and further, the wing of the universal standards of
Human rights, marriage should be open to all sexual orientations. Therefore, it should be eliminated
discriminatory article requires that the bond is concluded between man and woman.
b) To grant the right to marry in the same process to present before the registrar.
c) Establish the right to form families of all persons, regardless of their orientation
sexual; and be recognized as such. This includes changes in adoption law, by way of
inclusion of LGBT families to due process.
d) Modify the patrimonial system, to adapt to the reality of the various types of family that
enshrined in legislation. This is particularly relevant in the "conjugal partnership", not only for
homo couples but also heterosexual, as in the second women is deeply
disadvantaged.

5. Improvement of the Law on anti-discrimination and incitement to violence and hate speech law.
The anti-discrimination law passed in July this year is a useful tool, but imperfect.
Symbolically, its value is undeniable, as partially remedied the historical debt of the State
discriminated against, giving a sign that Chile is not only unethical, but illegal to discriminate arbitrarily.
This is an important step, because commits the government to a set of values ​​associated with
international human rights standards.
In legal terms, its usefulness is undeniable, it creates Action arbitrary discrimination,
instrument to restore the rule of law in cases such as those occurring daily,
today dismissed by the courts. Advantages include the power conferred upon the court has to leave
"Without the discriminatory act" have "than repeated" or order "which made the omitted act".
If these two dimensions justify their value, there are omissions that detract power. The first is the null
will that legislators had to remove the clause that enshrines the supremacy of certain rights
constitutional by about arbitrary discrimination, as stated in the second article of the Law:
"Distinctions, exclusions or restrictions will be considered reasonable, however founded
in any of the criteria mentioned in the first paragraph, they are justified in exercising
other legitimate fundamental right, especially those related to numbers 4 °, 6 °, 11 °, 12 °, 15 °, 16 ° and 21 °
Article 19 of the Constitution of the Republic, or other constitutionally legitimate cause. "
This is the most serious conservative safeguard text, as will force judges to ponder what rights
prevail before any act regarded as discriminatory, freedom of expression and education
among the most sensitive. Accordingly, this article should be repealed.
Finally, the legislator left was a reparative compensation for victims and replaced by a
penalty tax profit, which underestimates the damage to discrimination. Similarly, a fine was set
for when the complainant fails to prove the discriminatory act, which clearly to discourage
who need to bring an action of this type. Both provisions contain a degree of injustice
it should be amended.

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In another area, but related, incitement to violence and hate speech are responsible
Indirect many of the crimes committed in Chile today. When a political ideology, a belief
religious, or anti-organization declares the superiority of one sector of the population over another,
or the predominance of a moral standard for human rights, what you are doing is inoculate
seeds of hatred and discrimination that violates the boundaries of social harmony. In extreme cases, this
You can lead to crimes like Daniel Zamudio.
Since 2010 a law of this nature, we value being processed. Its rationale is clear:
"Incitement to hatred and hostility builds discriminatory, generally, as hypothesized
incitement to an indefinite number of people, either a conglomeration of people present or
through mass media, to move them to hatred or violence against members of
a particular racial, religious, ethnic, etc. In addition, it is noted that illicit in question, could
commit through any word or action that externalize a discriminatory opinion, revealing
hostility or contempt toward persons or groups of persons to move the message to the recipient
violence, hatred, or the arbitrary discrimination against those belonging to a particular
segment of the population, identified by characteristics such as race, religion, creed, etc.
It would, therefore, 'the prelude to violence,' or 'to give birth to hatred.' "
Urges therefore give speedy processing of this law, as becomes the necessary complement to the Law
Antidiscrimination.

6. Repeal of homophobic laws
Chilean penal code entered two sensitive items for sexual diversity. The first, the 365, is
explicitly homophobic; the second, 373, falls into the category of "suspicious" because of its size and
discretion.
The first set different ages of sexual consent for heterosexuals and homosexuals. For the
First, consent is 14 years; for the second (male only) it is 18.
Until 1999, sodomy was punishable by imprisonment in Chile, even his private practice and among adults. I was
the same article 365 which punished. This inequality, which affected the sexual freedom and development
personality, was partially corrected with Law 19,617. Although homosexual relations
over 18 ceased to be a crime, Article 365 of the Penal Code continued to maintain law
especially for young people who maintain loving relationships with others of the same sex, violent situation
basic human rights guaranteed in various laws, international treaties and declarations that have
ratified and / or supported by Chile.
Indeed, at present Article 365 states that anyone who "carnally accediere a child under eighteen
years of the same sex, without the intervention of the circumstances of the crimes of rape, shall be sentenced to
less in its minimum to medium degrees "prison.
The rule is discriminatory because:
a) It penalizes the expression of healthy and legitimate sexual orientations, such as homosexuality and
bisexuality, as noted by the WHO.

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b) does not seek to punish a crime of a sexual nature, all of which are clearly defined in other
articles of the Criminal Code, but an expression of own feelings of identity construction of being
human.
c) promotes inequality in the age of sexual consent from sexual orientation,
As Article 365 of the Penal Code it states that this is fixed at 18 for
homosexuals and, as stated in Article 364 of the Criminal Code, 14 for heterosexuals.
On this point, the Committee on the Convention on the Rights of the Child of the United Nations (UN)
He expressed both during the celebration of the Plenary Sessions 1218 and 1219 and in its Concluding Observations
of April 23, 2007, concern about the existence of Article 365 of the Criminal Code. Specific,
The Committee disagreed "because homosexual relationships, even among younger people
18 years old, they continue to penalize, which discriminates on the basis of preference
sexual ". It was in this sense that the Committee recommended that the State of Chile
"Intensify its efforts to review, monitor and enforce legislation guaranteeing
principle of non-discrimination and full compliance with article 2 of the Convention and to adopt a
pro-active strategy and comprehensive measures to eliminate discrimination based on gender, ethnic, religious
or any other grounds and against all vulnerable groups throughout the country. "
Also during the 1218 plenary session, the Committee noted that "punish sex with
Young mutual consent between the same sex is a discriminatory measure, which ignores the fact
teens are exploring their sexual identity. " Therefore, the Committee specifically requested
the Chilean State in its third report on Human Rights, scheduled for September 12, 2012,
"Include specific information on measures and programs relevant to the Convention on the
Rights of the Child has been applied to provide special protection to vulnerable groups "
In relation to Article 373 of the Civil Code, which punishes those who "any way offend the modesty or
morality "is more than obvious obsolescence in a democratic society.
Needless to say that this article was used to apprehend same-sex couples expressing
their affection publicly, as this is public knowledge. Today, however, few managers
public order and security would dare to appeal to this article has been installed as a kind
social override it. The discretion, discretion and ambiguity of the rule is wholly
expressed in the same arrangement when viewed as offenses against decency or morality the
"Scandal or acts of grave importance not expressly covered by other items" of the Code
Criminal. What are these facts? and at what point and under what parameters are considered a scandal
public importance? Are questions that article alone will not solve, causing a serious step
harm to people in whom it is applied.
Repeal this law, but have a practical impact, exteriorize the state's commitment to values
democratic grounded in human rights, which is essential if you want to give signals
powerful in this regard.

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Conclusion.
Liberalism and human rights in the construction of first-class citizenship
The December 6, 2011, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton delivered a historic
speech in favor of human rights of sexual diversity. In his speech summarizes much of the
concepts that we wanted to convey in these pages:
"Some have suggested that gay rights and human rights are separate and distinct.
But in fact, they are one and the same.
Now, of course, 60 years ago governments that drafted and approved the Universal Declaration
Human Rights did not think how it applied to the LGBT community.
Neither thought how it applied to indigenous people, or children, or people with disabilities,
or other marginalized groups. However, in the last 60 years we have to admit that
Members of these groups are entitled to full enjoyment of the dignity and rights, because,
like all people share a common humanity.
This recognition did not occur suddenly but evolved over time, and as it
he understood that we were respecting rights that people always had, rather than creating
new or special rights for them. As a woman, as belonging to a minority
racial, religious, tribal or ethnic, belonging to the LGBT community makes you less human. By
That is why gay rights are human rights and human rights are rights
gay ".
As much as the content is crucial time when these words were spoken. It seems that
the second decade of the century brought an unprecedented assessment of the needs of diversity
sexual, but without an awareness of its anchorage in human rights. And is that in many
the companies claim as a sectoral issue discussed, which weakens nature itself
the demands of the LGBT population. Hillary Clinton, however, strongly underlines this argument
to give a clear societies of civil rights no human rights without signal.
This has not understood the Chilean State.
Who progressive declaration must understand that the dignity of the individual, it has the possibility of
he built as a person, not only by "opening" of the environment, but attitude is achieved primarily
by the commitment the company acquires with universal values ​​reported throughout this article.
In one sentence, respect and promotion of human rights who are really progressive displays
and who play to be.

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

fifteen

PARTNERSHIP

Alejandra Botitnelli

Jorge Cienfuegos

Miguel Márquez

Alvaro Miranda

Jorge Farias

Miguel Prieto

Andres Solimano

Jorge Vergara

Paul Labbé

Arturo Duclos

Juan Carlos Urquidi

Patricia Morales

Beatriz Stager

Juan Gumucio

Patricia Peña

Berna Castro

Juan Casassus

Patrick Hermann

Lagos Camilo

Juan Valenzuela

Oriele Nuñez

Carlos Ominami

Maia Seeger

Rafael Urriola

Ciro Colombara

Manuel Baquedano

Rainer Hauser

Claudia Perez

Manuel Ipinza

Raul Requena

Claudia Rodriguez

Manuela Gumucio

Rodrigo Chauriye

Cristian Galaz

Maria Pia Matta

Rodrigo Urzúa

Daniel Flores

Marcelo Lepe

Samuel Jimenez

Edgardo Bruna

Marcos Ortiz

Sandra Valenzuela

Federico Stager

Marisol Vera

Ortiz Varinia

Felipe Fuenzalida

Matias Negrete

Victor Hugo Carrasco

Fernando Gonzalez

Mauricio Electorat

Waldo Lopez

Jaime Parada

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

16

PEOPLES
ORIGINATING

DIGNITY
TO OUR

IDENTITY

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

]

]

ORIGINAL TOWNS

The peoples of our country live, mostly in terms of discrimination, poverty and
Exclusion can only be resolved with the implementation of a coherent policy and respect for their rights.
This involves the recognition of their cultures as part of a multiethnic and multicultural state, and the
practical implementation of Convention 169, also assuming the findings of the report
"Historical Truth and New Deal" of 2003.
The case of the Mapuche people is extreme. The violent expropriation of 10 million hectares in the nineteenth century; their
reductions in cornering scarce land and low productive capacity; forced "chilenización" non-
recognition of their language and the non-recognition of their authorities. We must assume that, unfortunately,
these processes have been systematic policies implemented by the State of Chile, which have left people
originating in miserable conditions.
The policies of the Coalition allowed to recognize the existence of indigenous peoples, the feature
special identity of its members, equal rights that concern them and the need
with specific economic, social and cultural development institutions. However, organizations
of indigenous peoples argue that progress towards full respect for their rights are slow, that the
State's response to the so-called indigenous protest is often violent and interests take precedence
large investors over the protection of their lands and waters.
The situation of exclusion and discrimination is undeniable and serious. It is expressed in the level of wages,
literacy and accessibility to higher education.
The recognition of the cultural diversity of Chile, formed by the union of native indigenous peoples, the
miscegenation and various foreign contributions to the cultural background of the country, it means recognizing the identity strength
of the cultures of indigenous peoples and communities, and promoting conservation.
It comes the obligation to respect and promote formation of each people in their own culture and language,
considering the values ​​of integration and multiculturalism.
It also implies the right of participation, which requires generating mechanisms and establish procedures
to always consider the opinion and participation of indigenous peoples and communities respects to
legislative and policy decisions that affect them.
Essential is the respect of their rights over their ancestral lands and water resources, and consideration of
their customs as an indigenous customary law that the Chilean State must respect and consider
as a source of law in the generation of contracts and civil obligations and relations with the state
and its authorities.
An essential point is to avoid the application of the antiterrorism law to land and water conflicts of peoples
Indians, which will lead to bring that law into a standard democratic state.

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

2

PARTNERSHIP

Alejandra Botitnelli

Jorge Cienfuegos

Miguel Márquez

Alvaro Miranda

Jorge Farias

Miguel Prieto

Andres Solimano

Jorge Vergara

Paul Labbé

Arturo Duclos

Juan Carlos Urquidi

Patricia Morales

Beatriz Stager

Juan Gumucio

Patricia Peña

Berna Castro

Juan Casassus

Patrick Hermann

Lagos Camilo

Juan Valenzuela

Oriele Nuñez

Carlos Ominami

Maia Seeger

Rafael Urriola

Ciro Colombara

Manuel Baquedano

Rainer Hauser

Claudia Perez

Manuel Ipinza

Raul Requena

Claudia Rodriguez

Manuela Gumucio

Rodrigo Chauriye

Cristian Galaz

Maria Pia Matta

Rodrigo Urzúa

Daniel Flores

Marcelo Lepe

Samuel Jimenez

Edgardo Bruna

Marcos Ortiz

Sandra Valenzuela

Federico Stager

Marisol Vera

Ortiz Varinia

Felipe Fuenzalida

Matias Negrete

Victor Hugo Carrasco

Fernando Gonzalez

Mauricio Electorat

Waldo Lopez

Jaime Parada

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

3

SECURITY

CITIZEN

ALL TASK

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

]

]

CITIZEN SECURITY

From a public safety to a public safety
For over a decade the concept of citizen security dominates the debate on the fight against
violence and crime. This expression is strongly linked to a preventive approach since
which emphasizes the protection of citizens and contrasts with the concept of national security, focused
in the protection and defense of the state.
There are many definitions of "public safety". In turn, there is no consensus on whether always
public safety should incorporate risks and threats of unintended type (traffic accidents,
natural) or economic and social disaster. Despite the foregoing, we consider Progressive
public safety is personal, objective and subjective condition of being free of violence or
threat of violence or intentional spoliation by others. Therefore, the term security
citizen any action to ensure the peaceful coexistence of citizens, the eradication of
violence and the peaceful use of roads and public spaces. Similarly, contribute to the prevention of
the Commission
of crimes and offenses.
There are several approaches to public safety; basically those linked strongly to policies
control and sanction, in contrast to those who start from a more holistic approach, and incorporate elements
prevention and rehabilitation.
The different approaches to the problem of public safety place the democratic society to
the dilemma of the use of force the state to control crime. The so-called "political control"
cover a range of initiatives ranging from improving the police service through the patrol
random and faster to react to the calls of the victims; to legislative proposals
tightening sanctions.
This vision, which has prevailed in Chile in both the Concertación governments and government
Sebastian Pinera, not only it has not reduced the occurrence of crimes but has generated increased
prison population under conditions that are not consistent with international treaties signed by Chile
field of human rights. The consequences are overloading the prison system and increased contagion
criminogenic. Chile shows an unprecedented rise of detainees, with an incarceration rate
the highest in Latin America and the world that tends to increase. Recidivism rates are
close to 50%, largely due to pollution and violent criminogenic conditions of detention.
All this has explosively increased the business of private security that is around 700
million a year and has a workforce of 100,000 private agents, with growth exceeding
7% annually.
The citizen security model developed in our country, has favored a model of type policíajusticia- prison, without having succeeded in reducing crime rates and the perception of insecurity. By
Instead, it has not promoted enough conviction citizen security policy that focuses

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

2

in so-called risk factors associated with the occurrence of crime, spatial development and
rehabilitation, as a preventive measure for repeated offenses.
Meanwhile, the progressive movement believes that citizen security is a public good, why
which it requires a comprehensive analysis that incorporates aspects of prevention, control and rehabilitation.
A progressive approach involves taking a drastic change in the course of these events, understanding
citizen security as a common good, and favoring the construction of collective solutions without delegating
State responsibility. They should prioritize prevention strategies together with crime control and
suppression of crime, in a context of full respect for human rights. It is understood that
crime figures, criminal legislation and functioning of the components of the criminal justice system, as well
variable perception and efficiency of the police, is a complex system of government that requires
a preferred and professional attention of political power.

Public security from the perspective of prevention
1. Primary prevention
Primary prevention aims to influence the so-called risk factors that increase
probability that an individual commits a crime. In this regard include, in particular, the factors
Socioeconomic as health, education, pensions, family violence, etc. It is therefore required
develop comprehensive programs, in coordination with social ministries.
Chile must rethink its national prevention strategy to enhance its impact. In this regard, the
Progressives intend to strengthen the bond of trust between the population and institutions, particularly
police, justice and education sector, as it contributes directly to the success of prevention efforts
and safety. Moreover, it is proposed to increase efforts for the peaceful resolution of conflicts, namely the
measures of mediation, conciliation, settlement of disputes in peace education and citizenship. Indeed,
these are often very successful when implemented in public spaces, schools, in the
family context, on public transport or even within one legal framework. Justice closer to the citizen.
In turn, it intends to promote the active participation of the "target" in prevention strategies.
Among the measures of a future progressive government, to reduce risk factors include:
to. Moving towards a society in which the state guarantees:
•	Bless you.
• Education.
•	Living place.
• dignified old age.
b. Create a Public Safety Community Program, whose intervention unit is not
only neighborhood but also communal.
• They will be implemented in communes and districts of greater vulnerability and victimization rates
• You should develop at least four components:

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

3

• Each nursery school and develop a prevention strategy against abuse of all
kind, either peer or by third parties.
• Each school and nursery expect a care unit for students or minors
symptoms of domestic violence or neglect of any kind, in order to generate a
link with corresponding partnerships and bridge the gap between institutions and the lowest.
• Each district and commune develop a mediation service office and permanent, for
women victims of violence but also for teenagers or seniors who require
care and guidance and then are sent to the appropriate centers.
• Each district and commune to have this program financed at least four projects
cultural, community, allowing culture act as prevention and cohesion factor
and identity.
• This program should work together with the population and local institutions,
particularly the police, justice and schools.
c. None of this will have an impact if:
• No permanent transfers of funds are secured to the municipalities to develop this
type of program.
• recruitment is not guaranteed to prevent rotation of the eternal city staff,
responsible for implementing these projects in often precarious conditions.
• Avoid use and develop political programs in the communities that need it, any
is the political color of the mayor.
2. Secondary Prevention
All social phenomena have a spatial form, a territory. If indeed the public safety
It is an issue that is resolved in the cities, it is the place par excellence of the interaction between citizens,
it is essential to rethink its territorial dimension.
Most of our cities have a loss of physical or social space in constructive terms,
and an unequal distribution of space remaining for collective use. From streets to parks and
squares, there is a real depletion or deterioration of the spatial forms that promote safety and
social relations and democratic life in public spaces.
Cities experience a worsening of the spatial polarization (vulnerable neighborhoods versus neighborhoods
rich) generating a concept that the open city is a mere transit space for a subject
moves between private purposes.
Avoid the public space for recreation and leisure space are transformed into strength
tort, subverting its meaning and use. Strictly speaking, in practice the territory not controlled by the police,
is controlled by the people living in it, and therefore, only the effective use of a space for a specific purpose
It makes public space. If people leave, it will be privatized by the market space or criminals.
The physical structure, equipment paths and determine the uses of space and condition perceptions
safety or fear, and effective attacks that citizens can experience. This is very
strong in the case of women, which in certain areas (or incommunicado blind spots, streets
dark) are victims of crime clearly linked to their gender.

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

4

For them we must realize that there are areas that need to be restructured even physically to be viable
safety. Do depends on the will of the state.
3. Rehabilitation
Chile requires a rehabilitation policy to prevent recidivism and ensure the rehabilitation of inmates.
This requires:
to. Ensure respect for the rights of prisoners
Chile has a prison population of 53,243 inmates (2012) and a 23% overcrowding. Inmates
They live in absolutely deplorable prison conditions, characterized by a significant
overcrowding, confinement and Schedules desencierro are not consistent with normal, by a
poor diet and poor sanitary and hygiene conditions.
b. Double the budget for rehabilitation and reintegration
We propose to double the budget to increase the coverage of these programs to all
prisons in the country.
c. Improve the employability of ex-offenders
50.2% of the prisoners have only basic education and 45.5% have some level of secondary education.
School propose to create recovery units, to level the inmates who need it and
improve their employability.
d. Differentiate according to the reintegration of women and indigenous peoples
e. Strengthening alternative system to imprisonment
• Increase vacancies for the fulfillment of night detention so as to encourage
alternative measures.
• Develop a public-private program that allows reintegrate people who join the
alternative system of detention.

Citizen Security from a control perspective
1. The action levels for authority
Public safety requires that civil authority must demonstrate ability to understand and design policies
comprehensive public to reduce the levels of victimization. This implies:
1. Demonstrate effective state action mechanisms dominate in the sector, ie
have the ability to respond and take decisions in every situation.
2. An adequate system of institutions and instruments to articulate public policy. In its
real existence citizen security is a public good and consistency manifests
Policy entire security system.
3. The third and crucial aspect is to have a police force with sufficient technical efficiency and
operational.

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

5

2. Development of institutional and curricular police
The police require institutional adjustments that come to the police more efficient models
that they exist in developed countries. There is institutional and human basis for a curriculum reform
in the approaching police policy research excellence. Likewise, you should discuss with
prolixity certain principles of operational expertise, especially on border control, both
land and sea, as for its international links the country requires customs control systems
highly specialized.
In addition to studying a reorganization of the national police territorial arrangement, and
event of a desk or ethnic attention. There is a negative perception of the conflict
Mapuche indiscriminate sending special forces conflict zones, which operate under protocols or
control provisions which do not address the complexity of the issue, it is an incentive to greater conflicts before
a solution.
3. Strengthening infrastructure retention and detention
A late goal in Chile is the existence of prompt, timely justice and dignified conditions
retention or detention. Especially problematic is the situation of retention and attention to juvenile offenders
of both sexes.
4. Enhance the powers of the municipal public security
These offices should have a defined role in the field of inspections by public officials do not
uniformed, but capacity and competence to resolve violations in the public space, the decoration, the
health and coexistence.

Improve the judicial system
1. Restructure Sename
Sename centers have been targets of criticism for years, due to the levels of repeat offense
juvenile offenders, the limited possibilities to overcome marginalization, for no young offenders, the
criminogenic contagion and the absence of the family in the rehabilitation process.
We therefore propose:
1. Create an Undersecretary for the Protection of Children and Adolescents.
2. Create Centers of Integral Child Care (CCIM) under the new Secretary.
• These centers will not only cater to young offenders.
• Must have a multidisciplinary team trained and supervised professional
by regional management agencies CCIM.
3. Update expert systems to detect child abuse.
4. Create a Support Center abused children, for free, to give psychological support, neurological
and doctor, as needed.

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

6

Justice and Public 2.Ministerio
In Justice we propose:
1. Specialize juvenile justice.
2. Reform Law 20,084 and Law of Courts to create or assign, according to the load
work, specialized courts and judges exclusive or preferred.
3. Increasing the number of prosecutors. Today, each fiscal serves an average of 2,300 cases a year.
It is impossible that this burden can ensure timely, effective and bond with the victim attention.
3. Creating Undersecretary of Human Rights
The Undersecretariat shall ensure the thirty human rights enshrined by the United Nations, including
They include:
1. The rights of a personal nature (Art. 3 and Art. 11 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights)
• No one shall be held in slavery or servitude.
• No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment.
• Everyone charged with a penal offense has the right to be presumed innocent until they are
proven guilty.
2. The rights to freedom of thought, conscience, religion and political freedoms.
3. Economic, social and cultural rights

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

7

PARTNERSHIP

Alejandra Botitnelli

Jorge Cienfuegos

Miguel Márquez

Alvaro Miranda

Jorge Farias

Miguel Prieto

Andres Solimano

Jorge Vergara

Paul Labbé

Arturo Duclos

Juan Carlos Urquidi

Patricia Morales

Beatriz Stager

Juan Gumucio

Patricia Peña

Berna Castro

Juan Casassus

Patrick Hermann

Lagos Camilo

Juan Valenzuela

Oriele Nuñez

Carlos Ominami

Maia Seeger

Rafael Urriola

Ciro Colombara

Manuel Baquedano

Rainer Hauser

Claudia Perez

Manuel Ipinza

Raul Requena

Claudia Rodriguez

Manuela Gumucio

Rodrigo Chauriye

Cristian Galaz

Maria Pia Matta

Rodrigo Urzúa

Daniel Flores

Marcelo Lepe

Samuel Jimenez

Edgardo Bruna

Marcos Ortiz

Sandra Valenzuela

Federico Stager

Marisol Vera

Ortiz Varinia

Felipe Fuenzalida

Matias Negrete

Victor Hugo Carrasco

Fernando Gonzalez

Mauricio Electorat

Waldo Lopez

Jaime Parada

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

8

PUBLIC DRUG POLICY

Law No. 20,000
Law No. 20,000 was conceived essentially as a mechanism to reduce consumption and
outlawed drug trafficking in our country. For it gave broad powers to both the
Public Ministry and the police, and he allowed the use of new figures in our
system, such as the interception of private communications and undercover agent, although
both contradict fundamental rights of individuals.
This law, which toughened the penalties for drug-related offenses and created the offense of
microtrafficking, it has ended up being a new problem for the rights of people before
a solution to the drug or the same traffic.
Through its regulations, the treatment accorded to marijuana was changed, from an
status of "soft" drug to "hard" drugs, receiving the same treatment given to other drugs
like cocaine, cocaine base, amphetamines or even heroin. This modification aggravated the situation
defendants legal marijuana trafficking, since it makes irrelevant the ability of
judges to drop to a degree the penalty attached to the offense when it comes to drugs
"Soft".
Among the stated objectives was protecting the "public health". However, in the
practice, the law has proved ineffective in protecting the legal right aims
protect. Since its entry into force, the use of illicit substances has not diminished but
which it has increased traffic and the same, still under the control of those who commit crimes and profit
with them.
The law also sets up an environment conducive to openly threaten important
constitutional guarantees, especially those who consume drugs,
in situations of health risk and social vulnerability.
This affects the legitimacy of the law, since the involvement of guarantees going in reverse
protection legally required and all notions of constitutional State of rights,
it exposes the entire population, to torts into their lives, their freedom, and their
self-determination, and even their right to health.
Our country has gone from a protective status of fundamental rights of its citizens,
one obvious vulnerability. Today, under the rule of the current law, any citizen,
either consumer or not, is exposed to the involvement of their constitutional rights through
an intrusive investigation and prosecution, by agents of a State which is
invasive shown in this matter.
While the first rules of the country pointed to the criminal repression of producers and
dealers, expressly excluding consumers, what we have today is completely the
otherwise.
There are crimes the personal use or consumption, use of outlawed substances for treatment
physician, or the cultivation of cannabis for personal consumption. But, in practice, those
engage in any of these behaviors are exposed to repression of the punitive system
state, due basically to the inclusion of the crime of "micro-trafficking of narcotics" without

define clear and objective parameters on it. If someone is caught with small
quantities of drugs, a priori is exposed to criminal prosecution for micro-trafficking. In this case, the
consumers face the burden of proving that the drug was for personal consumption, exclusive
and close in time and no traffic. If you can not convince the court of his innocence, will be
convicted not justify fall under one of the three defenses hypothesis count
authorized to take the drug; it is intended for medical treatment, or is
intended for personal consumption.
Both the "competent authority" as the permitted cultivation concepts that are ambiguous
Practice has proved unworkable because of regulatory conflict that occurs with regulations
public health standards, effectively losing the hypothesis that the drug is intended for a
medical treatment.
Sobrepenalización and principle of "equality before the law"
The penalty is assigned to micro arbitrary and discriminatory, since in practice
It translates to corporal punishment as a rule, those convicted lack microtrafficking
the means to afford the fines, and is applied to replace the imprisonment, the value of
one day per average monthly tax unit for up to six months. In other words, the
dispossessed charged with deprivation of liberty, without any profit prison.
Such discrimination affects a greater extent, women and youth of grassroots,
criminalizes and punishes those who openly violating the legal principle of equality before the
Guaranteed in the Constitution and international regulatory bodies such as the Convention Act
American Commission on Human Rights (ACHR) Pact of San José de Costa Rica.
Young people are the group that deserves more attention and that requires more punitive measures
beneficial part of society since they have a greater chance to amend their
behaviors. However, instead of receiving a treatment aimed at re-socialization, the state gives them
answer a prison in inhuman conditions, that, contrary to what is desired, is
strongly criminogenic factor.
That the fine will result in imprisonment, it is particularly prejudicial and serious due to
prison conditions of our country. That was demonstrated in December 2010 in jail
San Miguel and it has been established in reports of international observers on
human rights of prisoners. In our prisons inmates are inhumane treatment and
degrading, by overpopulation, overcrowding and lack of resources, resulting in
poor health, poor diet, lack of medical services.
Additionally, center the burden of proof on the accused injured due process because
violates the presumption of innocence guaranteed by the Constitution, forcing the accused to prove
that his conduct does not fall within the typical behavior. In every normal system it is
responsibility of the Public Ministry and not the accused.
The consumer, pressured by the burden of proof State receives also a humiliating treatment and
discriminatory, for having "an undesirable and reprehensible lifestyle". In other terms, a
consumer who is caught by the criminal justice system with small amounts of drugs, as well
be seen in the need to prove that it was intended for consumption
get an acquittal, during its constitutional guarantees be restricted and will
treated as a criminal. Most likely, it will be remanded in custody and will be

exposed during detention, important and serious threats to their dignity, factors
criminogenic, such as the detention with the prison population felony, along with a
social stigma and a high risk of losing their source of work, family ties and / or
continuity in their studies.
Criminal law should punish conduct which it describes as illegal and anti-juridical, so
proportionate and objective. A democratic rule of law can never pursue, ban or
punish "lifestyles" or less criminalizing consumers.
In Chile, the law behaves hypocritically because consumption does not define as a crime, but
persecutes and represses this behavior or lifestyle tools criminal order, that attempt
fundamental rights of citizens who are not criminals. Exposure of an innocent
the prison system implies their stigmatization as criminals, possibility of losing their
continuity in work or studies, their reputation, their contacts, and risks in generating
links.
It highlights a conflict of legal values. The legal right that aims to protect the Law
Drug is public health, but it does affect fundamental rights like freedom in
aspects of freedom of movement (own custody and other precautionary measures
criminal justice system), in the guise of self-determination, also closely linked to the
privacy.
In a rule of law to every human person recognizes the freedom to choose their style
life, with the only limitation of not affecting the rights of other individuals. Consumption
Private drug, while a single, it is not forbidden and belongs to the realm of privacy
each.
The regulatory system can not criminalize behaviors that do not affect others. The treatment law
It gives the consumer is, undoubtedly contrary to our involvement
Constitutional law.
In this context, contrary to its declared intentions and objectives, the state ends up exerting
the brunt of the repressive precisely action against the weakest link in the current chain
Traffic: the users, criminalizing and punishing proper and necessary behaviors
lawful act of consumption.
The most useful approach to the rule of law that respects the area of ​​self-determination
citizens is not criminalize drug use or mere possession, carrying or culture,
in the case of cannabis for personal consumption purposes; does not interfere with those behaviors
specific to the field of privacy of each that respects fundamental rights
people; that educates and prevents the current from a broader perspective and, without
renounce the goal of preventing substance, also consider developing
consumption practices less risk. Which it provides a means of rehabilitation for those
People who develop problematic consumption, abusive or openly dependent, which
give their consent, and that re-socializes who, being first timers, have incurred
illegal attitudes that affect low-entity rights of third parties.
PROPOSALS

Drug policy in Chile has and has had as its goal to reduce consumption and trafficking
illicit substances. However, both aspects have shown a sustained increase in the last
years, suggesting that the strategy deployed to date has not yielded the expected results,
on the contrary, it has generated even more complex medical and legal issues. This trend is
hand in hand with what is happening in many countries in the world, where the focus of
"War on drugs" has proven to be inefficient. Therefore, it is necessary to recognize
that public policies designed and implemented so far in our country have
I failed. In turn, requires changing the current paradigm and develop a comprehensive vision
incorporates elements of public health, education, human security and civil rights.
1. Modify Regulation of Drugs
In the medium term, according to the scientific evidence, it is required to generate a new method
drug classification for differentiating the different types of substances consumed,
legal or outlawed, as its effects, potential health risks, to generate
dependence, among others. Based on the above, standards are established
prevention, rehabilitation and differential control for each.
In the immediate future, it is essential to take the cannabis Schedule 1 of the current regulation as such
As he lacked and lacks scientific basis, resulting incomprehensible in terms of
public health, that cannabis can be described it as "highly toxic", assimilating it to
others like heroin or cocaine, with consequent associated criminal consequences.
2. Amend Law No. 20.000 and associated rules
As demonstrated by various official indicators, the law has proved 20,000
ineffective to meet its own stated objectives, among which instrument, the
health protection of the population and traffic control, and drug production.
Full of contradictions and paradoxes (as defined legal drug use in certain
circumstances but deny or hinder any legitimate way to access them), has ended up
make users, the main subject of criminal prosecution. Therefore, it needs to be
modified substantial aspects that allow effectively achieve its objectives, with
full constitutional safeguard social rights, citizens and elementary.
Among other measures, it is essential that the law allows to discriminate levels of objectivity
reasonable, between practices associated with crime (traffic, microtrafficking) and other own consumption
drugs like bearing, possession and / or cultivation for personal use, in the case of cannabis
example by establishing criteria, quantities and precise circumstances.
This requires the amendment of Art. 4 of this Act, which creates the offense of "microtrafficking
drugs ". Under this article, anyone found with small amounts of drug,
You will be exposed to criminal prosecution for microtrafficking. In this case the consumer faces
the load and the need to prove, by their own means, the drug that was caught
It was addressed to his personal, exclusive and next consumption over time and no traffic. Not
convince the court of his innocence, the consumer will be condemned.
You should also remove the figure of "concerted consumption."
It is also necessary to amend a series of discriminatory regulations contained in the law,
such as the one affecting lawyers who defend causes for violation of the law

drugs, those who are disabled to work for the State in breach not only the right to
free exercise of the profession, if not primarily, access to a defense.
2. Regulate and Control the Production, Distribution and Access to Cannabis
Cannabis being the most consumed in the country banned substance socially
standard, with higher levels of traffic and at the same time, with less potential risk and
damage to health terms, it is essential to break the existing chain link between the
consumers of cannabis and drug trafficking, which is required to have mechanisms
Regulatory so that seniors who have decided or required to consume,
they can do so in legal, social, and above all, health, under irrigation
possible.
This requires, first, generate a public, democratic debate and based on
evidence, with broad social participation-including activist organizations and / or users-that
permit review and carefully analyze the experiences of other countries in this regard to
achieve define the most appropriate mechanisms to regulate and control the access to cannabis and
it should consider, inter alia, regulation of self-cultivation for personal use, defining
clear parameters to characterize and control forms thereof; Associations
users, nonprofit organizations that allow, collectively, production and
cannabis distribution among its members; the provision of cannabis by the state itself,
through agencies and / or mechanisms especially designed for this purpose; among others.
All these mechanisms are viable and necessary and can operate in a complementary manner, such
as they are posing in Uruguay. In any case, regardless of the form or
modalities to be adopted, they must consider at least the following:


Directed exclusively to adults.



Operate based on parameters and criteria (grams, meters, quality, etc.), aimed at
satisfy personal consumption of fewer risks and to avoid misuse.



Provide the facilities to medicinal users, diagnosis and prescription, to access
the required amounts according to their treatment requirements.

The latter implies repeal of Supreme Decree No. 405 of the Ministry of Health prohibiting
production, manufacture, preparation, distribution and sale of cannabis or its products
derived medicinal purposes, allegedly authorized by Law 20,000 situation. Without
But the Institute of Public Health (ISP) under the MINSAL, not recognize
cannabis therapeutic properties, means that no health professional can, within
legality, administer or prescribe to their patients.
With the repeal of the decree in question, it seeks to regulate and facilitate access to cannabis
medicinal purposes as well as scientific and medical research on their properties.
With measures such as the above, compliance with the spirit of Act guarantees
20,000, meaning that personal consumption of cannabis, be it social or medical, become
possible and fully legal. In turn, the production and distribution of cannabis out circuit
drug trafficking, reducing the effects of this market in terms of public safety. By
Finally, the regulation of state control over the production of cannabis, through various

mechanisms such as those raised before, ensures the provision of a higher quality product,
without this drug is mixed with other high toxicity, impacting positively on
the health of consumers.
3. Promote public health, education and research
Substance use and trafficking of substances are phenomena of a different nature.
From the point of view of consumption, drug policy in Chile should be considered
a public policy focused on health and education, distinguishing, conceptual and
institutionally, of the phenomena associated with public safety.
Therefore, it is urgent to develop a new drug plan that depends on the Ministry of Health,
close coordination with the Ministry of Education, not the Ministry of Interior and Security
Public as today.
In turn, the public must be educated away from the ideological taboos and restrictions
moral, in spaces where they can learn comprehensively about public policy and
related rights; benefits (medical purposes, substitution treatment, etc.); and the
potential risks and harm associated with drug use, as well as ways to avoid or
diminish, implying recognition and implementation of the approach to reducing risk and damage.
This perspective involves a process of re-education and social level among the various actors
institutional linked (as police, prosecutors, advocates, experts, etc.). And a
reorientation of the role to be played by the media in prevention,
delivering accurate and informed citizenship information.
From the point of view of treatment, it is essential to expand and improve quantitative and
qualitatively, coverage and current approaches, adapting supply
treatment to the needs and possibilities of people, and diversifying the modalities of
thereof including, for example, programs of low-threshold.
From the point of view of research, this new perspective involves promoting, updating and
optimize scientific and social research on drugs so as to have
information and data to better inform and guide public policy mode
The matter

4. Focus on organized crime
Any citizen security strategy on drugs, should focus its efforts on
three areas. First, in the prevention, prosecution and control of organized crime
macro and micro traffic level, which tends to develop and proliferate in vulnerable neighborhoods
breaking the social fabric. Second, in better control and shelter save our borders.
And last, but at the same time, it is essential to allocate resources for the development of
programs of prevention and recovery of public spaces to contain and reduce the
traffic generation and micro-trafficking, and provide alternative livelihoods and sustenance populations
vulnerable.

To establish clear criteria for distinguishing between personal use and trafficking or
microtrafficking substances in general as well as specific regulations on cannabis together
to prevent unfair and useless criminal prosecution of users, they will be released billions of
weights and human resources of both the police and the judiciary, which will be reinvested
and focused on the tasks described above and in the area other health (prevention and
treatment).
5) Specific proposals on legalized drugs: alcohol, snuff and psychotropic
The current drug policy have put the emphasis on the outlawed substances, especially
cannabis, minimizing the size, quantity and quality, of the consequences related
to legal drugs, among which are the problematic use and / or abuse of
Alcohol: the main public health problem related to drugs in our country; or sustained
increased use of psychotropic drugs without a prescription and / or medical supervision. In this context, some of
measures to be implemented are:






Analysis, reclassification and incorporation of drugs in the new regulation
develop.
Increased excise taxes for alcohol and snuff which will be used to
prevention and treatment work
Rigorous, regular and public control over processes, production and / or
these substances
Prohibition of advertising and / or sponsorship of alcohol at events or sporting bodies
Give "urgently" to project new and stricter alcohol labeling
including information about their composition and potential risks.

6) Victims Reparation Commission of Law 20,000
The lack of solid scientific foundations of the current drug policy and law (its rules
included), and the discretion and arbitrariness with which it has been applied, have affected and violated
seriously the rights, honor and dignity of thousands of people in Chile who, solely
fact that he engaged in conduct or "lawful acts preparatory fact-consumption-
that does not warrant criminal sanction, "as the size, Tenure or cultivation for personal use of cannabis,
as jurists say, they have been charged and / or convicted for violation of the Act
drugs, going so far as cases where accused persons have been forced to
incrimination of crimes they did not commit, with the sole aim of avoiding further sanctions.
Thousands of cases of people whose criminal records have been unfairly affected
for violations of the law on drugs, generating serious problems in personal, social, labor
and / or legal.
Based on the above, and the proposed new regulatory framework, we will constitute a commission
experts and representatives of civil society, to propose criteria and mechanisms
permit review and distinguish the situation of persons being users and / or growers
cannabis for personal use, appear indicted with convictions for trafficking offenses,
micro-trafficking and other related crimes, so that they can be legally claimed
eliminating them any history that involve the aforementioned crimes.

Decentralized

SANTIAGO
It IS NOT CHILE

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

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DECENTRALIZATION

In Chile, called regionalizing process has failed. The social and political manifestations observed in
the last decade in Arica, Calama, Osorno, Valdivia, Chiloé, Aysén and Magallanes, have emerged, strictly speaking,
from provinces. Its content has been vindicating greater autonomy and decentralization, and clear
upset by how resources are distributed and the centralization of political decisions
affecting the region.
The most important instrument of decentralization and strengthening of regional power has been the Fund
Regional Development (FNDR), which includes investments of regional allocation. However, these only
reach 30% of the total for the investment made in the regions is being decided in Santiago, or
even in coordination between ministries such as the Ministry of Public Works, the Ministry of Housing
and Planning and Transport. Worse, in recent years, the fund has increased by 160% in the region
Metropolitan, while in the regions it has only 44%. That is, designed to reduce
inequalities, has ended up being also an instrument of inequality and centralism.
Decentralization policies applied so far have been insufficient to give vitality to the various
territories of the country is made. Increasingly people in different parts, from Arica to Magallanes,
He has begun to mobilize against the political center, calling intolerable and insensitive locks
that centralism has put its development.
These convictions born of a set of progressive proposals that we wish to propose for consideration
from the country. Consistent with a pro-federal government early look, the look of the
Progressive is extremely critical of the current state of the subject.

The political administration of the region
Regionalization as an essential element, can not be understood otherwise than as redistribution
political power in the social and administrative body of the territory.
The first point to consider, then, is the popular choice and revocation of Mayors, and the generation
a true regional legislative assembly, also elected by voting power of decision
allocation of resources, appointment of officials, merging municipalities, plus a set of
other tax and budgetary measures.
Alongside this requires political power densify citizen. The direct election of the authorities is the
Half of that process. The rest is in the skills and effective functions of these authorities, and levels
financial autonomy and exhibiting projects.
Our proposal is to regain the ability to plan holistically urban spaces and not leave
the automation market. We plan our cities for the next 100 years by
participatory processes that integrate the public, private sector and, most importantly, civil society and its
organizations with shared visions and solutions articulated and above certain volume of population, provide them
the figure of the greatest mayors,

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

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We must understand that a new urban geography in a country of five thousand kilometers long, and barely
hundred width should create incentives for the construction and expansion of new urban axes do
center in the regions, full service, innovation, modernity, culture, recreation and identity
territories.
You need to build a structure of city administration to allow functional specialty
while its integrated political government. Only then there will be ongoing dialogue between the authorities and the
many citizens and their interest associations, transparent and productive manner.
Housing, infrastructure, recreational and cultural space, utilities and territories of productive activity
They allow earning clearly defined the city as it is, an association of interests that are expressed
as a large integrated as a habitat whose value orientation welfare and public space
inclusion of all its inhabitants.

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

3

PARTNERSHIP

Alejandra Botitnelli

Jorge Cienfuegos

Miguel Márquez

Alvaro Miranda

Jorge Farias

Miguel Prieto

Andres Solimano

Jorge Vergara

Paul Labbé

Arturo Duclos

Juan Carlos Urquidi

Patricia Morales

Beatriz Stager

Juan Gumucio

Patricia Peña

Berna Castro

Juan Casassus

Patrick Hermann

Lagos Camilo

Juan Valenzuela

Oriele Nuñez

Carlos Ominami

Maia Seeger

Rafael Urriola

Ciro Colombara

Manuel Baquedano

Rainer Hauser

Claudia Perez

Manuel Ipinza

Raul Requena

Claudia Rodriguez

Manuela Gumucio

Rodrigo Chauriye

Cristian Galaz

Maria Pia Matta

Rodrigo Urzúa

Daniel Flores

Marcelo Lepe

Samuel Jimenez

Edgardo Bruna

Marcos Ortiz

Sandra Valenzuela

Federico Stager

Marisol Vera

Ortiz Varinia

Felipe Fuenzalida

Matias Negrete

Victor Hugo Carrasco

Fernando Gonzalez

Mauricio Electorat

Waldo Lopez

Jaime Parada

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

4

DEFENSE
MORE COOPERATION

LESS DISSUASION

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

]

]

DEFENSE

Chile is a nation that requires formulating a comprehensive national strategy of defense in keeping with its tradition
Republican. This new strategy should contain clear way the foundations of its military policy,
progress in the structure, formation and disposal of military force as an essential component required
and permanent national power of a democratic state.
An important part of the continuity of the state, with a healthy reproduction of their socio-cultural structures,
political and legal, dependent on the formulation of the National Defense Strategy is made so
responsible, free and free from all compulsion undemocratic. The recognition that the Armed Forces
they are a civic institution of all Chileans, which does not recognize distinctions of race, sex, creed
or religion and is deeply respectful of the Constitution and the laws must be unambiguously a
belonging to its doctrine. The recent history of the country so requires.
The territory, the people and their organized and sovereign power, constituent parts of the state, have evolved
positively towards assimilation of the value of civic dignity and full respect for rights
humans. This determines that the National Defense, one of the functions of the modern state, is permeated by
an ethos of profound respect for the civil power and professional development oriented national interest.
The epochal challenges the technical and administrative state, and particularly structure, organization
and doctrine of National Defense. The scheme of civil-military dialogue as guiding impulse of policies
It is exceeded. Today it requires a public defense policy as based on political technical,
generate relevant solutions to the professional development of military institutes, financing and
efficiency in defense spending and investment, intersectoral coordination and the adjustment of structure
It forces the country needs.

Defense policy
Defence policy is, by definition, a State policy. Compromise their fundamental decisions
permanent interests of the country and its implementation is a temporality that transcends two or more
periods of government. Requires therefore political consensus involving information and consultation systems,
and a social acceptance that gives legitimacy to their objectives and ensure their implementation.
Its formulation is based on objective and involves the construction of risk scenarios and threats to the country,
which is the basis for the simulated deployment of resources and planning.
In national defense must converge the sum of institutions and instruments to deal with
Success threats and / or attacks that may threaten the peace, security or integrity of the State.
Understand, therefore, not only human, military and economic resources that the country is ready to
mobilize, but also reflects the alliances, pacts and collective security actions and / or cooperative, and
especially the use of the diplomatic instrument of the state.

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

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National defense must be permanent and financed, express congruence between available resources and purposes
long term, and be harmonious and consistent with the overall development of the state and its international deployment.

Military policy and military doctrine
The Armed Forces are a professional organization aimed at defending the state from external aggression,
and they have this as their policy reference unit. Hence its organization, based on rationality
administrative and merit criteria above caste or blood. The permanent staffs express
the highest professional expertise and strict training of human resources and level control.
Driving large scale and extensive logistical support services and interoperability are also
characteristics of the modern organization.
The military policy is the set of rules and procedures governing the operation, size, structure,
composition of forces and technical and professional capabilities of the armed forces and power relations
civil, in detailed in the previous paragraph universe. The military policy is not made by civilian relations
military, but civilian military joint development and implementation of a primary function of the State
that is national defense.
The military doctrine are the principles, foundations and traditions that sustain the character of the institution. Is
a close relationship between the legal framework of the institution and the organizational culture and sociability
Men weapons. In that regard, it has a lot of tradition, the mood is resolved Forces
You armed.
The practical relationship between the armed forces, professionals and the state administration is not just a problem
subordination of the military to civilian control. The political model of the State administrative influences so
determining the type of military organization. The military command favors centralization to exercise
his command, but also requires scenarios or military zones to the efficiency and effectiveness of their designs
operational. Political power and the institutional design should bring an efficient civil relation to these designs,
without prejudice to the principle of the unity of the state and the centralization of command of military force.
All armed forces are similar in organization and professional conception, but many expressed
differences in doctrinal and training matters and how they relate to institutions
Been. In countries with consolidated democracy, relationships tend to be harmonious and stable.
The military policy must be planned long term and be related to the strategic definitions of the state. From
it depends on the certainty of the military professional institutes. It is the possibility of conflict and evaluation
own resources which determines the type of armed forces that is required, its equipment and
the financial effort required to hold.
The modern trend is to have smaller armed forces, highly specialized and professional
and highly mobile. The training of human resources and their retention in service requires a time
long training so that military service is only a complement to its core business.
Increasingly, the components of logistics and increase the incidence of administration costs for
growing complexity of the means to put a soldier in a combat situation. This generates
inevitably a professional relationship with civilian areas to be properly planned,
such as crises or emergencies caused by natural disasters, security services and border police,

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

3

the country's connectivity and strategic intelligence, among others. Progressives devote attention
careful development of these aspects.
Modern warfare, substantial element of military training, has been shown as a conflict High
technological intensity, very fast, interoperable, very short in duration of military confrontation and very
Long normalization in peace. The lesson is that conflicts installed space of permanent tension more
Beyond the specific military contours, very intensive spaces non-military security demands that
It could be called "state of conflict".
Symbolic military action and strong political and communication elements make the use of force
military is more like a "crisis" with active military component, that war itself. This
It requires the development of post-war military instruments of peace that the country has not been simulated, and should
perform.
All this highlights the importance of the Joint Staffs in the modern development of the Forces
You armed. In particular, to meet the technical and operational professionally synchrony between the different branches of
the armed forces and a smooth relationship between the civil and military classes, and enable a synchronized use
national resources in any field, political, military, diplomatic or economic.
In turn, highlights the importance of developing a connectivity typical of this digital era, allowing
effectively a command, control and communication and information in real time to a very diverse territory,
difficult. This means investment in geostationary satellite technology.

Relations with the civil power
The armed forces are not deliberating and obedient. These are the values ​​that determine the beginning
professional liability. This is a constitutional principle that binds to a strict legality in their
performances.
It is essential in a democratic state, these institutions possess the functional characteristics
obedience law criminalizes not deliberancia, professionalism, hierarchy and discipline.
In addition to being made legally, they are objectified in securities that are permanent supports all
of the Armed Forces and
They reflect not only legal obligations but also the ways and behaviors that complement culture
institutional.

Command responsibility
The professional role of the armed forces implies a pattern of professional conduct, especially at high
hierarchies, which are invested with the supreme use of military symbolism that defines the command, as exercise
authorized the monopoly of legitimate violence that the state can use.
In wartime there is a uniqueness that has very strict rules about the responsibilities,
both civilian and military. In peacetime, appropriate to underline the obligations governing normal routine
institutions armed with political authorities.

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4

• Always act within the legal framework. Their requests should follow the regular channels of
prudent, respectful, thoughtful and with strict adherence to the law way.
• Advise political leaders, through the bodies established on the military implications
the lines of action adopted by the country, and prepare contingency plans to deal with possible
military.
• adequately reflect in the military decisions taken by the civil step.

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

5

PARTNERSHIP

Alejandra Botitnelli

Jorge Cienfuegos

Miguel Márquez

Alvaro Miranda

Jorge Farias

Miguel Prieto

Andres Solimano

Jorge Vergara

Paul Labbé

Arturo Duclos

Juan Carlos Urquidi

Patricia Morales

Beatriz Stager

Juan Gumucio

Patricia Peña

Berna Castro

Juan Casassus

Patrick Hermann

Lagos Camilo

Juan Valenzuela

Oriele Nuñez

Carlos Ominami

Maia Seeger

Rafael Urriola

Ciro Colombara

Manuel Baquedano

Rainer Hauser

Claudia Perez

Manuel Ipinza

Raul Requena

Claudia Rodriguez

Manuela Gumucio

Rodrigo Chauriye

Cristian Galaz

Maria Pia Matta

Rodrigo Urzúa

Daniel Flores

Marcelo Lepe

Samuel Jimenez

Edgardo Bruna

Marcos Ortiz

Sandra Valenzuela

Federico Stager

Marisol Vera

Ortiz Varinia

Felipe Fuenzalida

Matias Negrete

Victor Hugo Carrasco

Fernando Gonzalez

Mauricio Electorat

Waldo Lopez

Jaime Parada

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

6

RELATIONS
FOREIGN
MORE INTEGRATION,

MORE PEACE

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

]

]

RELATIONS
FOREIGN

Just as war is the continuation of politics by other means, foreign policy is the projection
the world of domestic politics.
No country can, however powerful, to maintain for long periods a gap too big
between both dimensions. Internal policies Conservative policies always end thereof projecting
sign on the international stage.
The balance of the Chilean foreign policy since the return of democracy is undoubtedly positive. With
Chile quickly left behind intentionally pariah status to which he had led the dictatorship. Capital
Chile accumulated great sympathy opened the doors to democracy reconquered to return to the
international stages recomposing good relations with most nations.
In these 23 years, the five presidents of Chile have been received with affection by all major
rulers of the world. At the same time Chile has signed more than thirty bilateral free trade
have allowed him to become one of the most open economies in the world and at the same time have a
guaranteed access for most of their exports to major markets worldwide. This has been
the direct result of the implementation of the "open regionalism".
Other important achievements of the international policy of Chile has been the resolution of all but one
border disputes he had with Argentina, a country with which he was on the brink of war
1978.
This is the reason why, systematically, without interruption opinion studies show relations
international and area, by far, best evaluated by citizens.
Thus, Chile has built a very good image that allows you to have an international influence
greater than that resulting from their economic, geographic or demographic importance. This is what has come to be
call "thought leadership". Chile could well play an important role on the world stage to resist,
for example, US pressure to legalize by the Security Council of the United Nations
United, the US invasion of Iraq under a pretext, the availability of weapons of mass destruction,
that would prove false.
It has also been credited with Chile its good offices to mediate avoiding what threatened
to become a serious internal conflict that could end the destabilization of the government
Morales and the democratic system in Bolivia.
There is however, a side B of Chilean foreign policy. On the one hand, there has been a policy that, as
good reflection of domestic politics, has a strong mercantilist character. Chile's voice sounds stronger
purpose of economic issues of major debates on subjects such as reorganization
international institutions and the defense of human rights wherever they are violated.
Similarly, international policy has placed great emphasis on the desire to "play in the major leagues"
seeking a close relationship with the great powers of the North giving way to a weakening of their
relations with its closest environment in South America.

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Thus, Chile has open disputes with Peru and Bolivia. While a cordial relationship with Argentina remains there
consensus that it is below its potential. The same applies to the great power of the region,
that is Brazil. And for the past two years relations with traditional ally they distanced, as was
Ecuador. The refusal of this country to accompany Chile in his defense at The Hague regarding the reporting of
Peru, is illustrative of this situation.
The mercantilist nature of international politics and its lack of integration in the region have suffered
deepening during the conservative government of President Piñera.
However, as well as internally Piñera's government has not represented a sharp break with the
previous governments have taken no sudden changes in international politics. For instance,
Chile has been an active participant UNASUR and CELAC and ended up joining, albeit with little enthusiasm,
conviction Brazil and Argentina organized by the de facto government that was installed after the "white coup"
against President Lugo in Paraguay.
A major concern of the Chilean diplomacy has been to avoid the isolation and condemnation of the region
refusal to meet the demand for Bolivia to have a sovereign access to the sea. So far, the new
Governments have been successful. The resolution adopted by the General Assembly of the OAS in this direction in 1978,
it has not been as strongly reiterated in subsequent years. Moreover, in 2012, the government of
Chile managed to avoid a virulent statement that Bolivia tried to boost his status using guest at
Cochabamba in the General Assembly of the OAS held there.
The fundamental problem facing Chile international is the unresolved conflict with Peru and Bolivia. In
first, the failure of The Hague should end the dispute with the former. Although it is possible that the verdict
Hague declaring settled boundary disputes raised by Peru, building lasting peace
It will be a process that will take years for the existing reciprocal mistrust in both countries.
Moreover, the conflict posed by Bolivia now has no hint of resolution on a horizon
reasonable.
The main turning Chilean international policy during the current government, it has been the strong emphasis
in the Pacific Alliance formed by Chile, Peru, Colombia and Mexico. This relation is presented as the
platform these four countries to generate the critical mass to develop a joint policy
against the huge Asian market. It is clear however, that this is an agreement that:
a) articulates conservative governments seeking to provide an alternative to ALBA constitutes
Venezuela, Ecuador and Bolivia.
b) seeks to build an option next to the natural predominance of Brazil in the region.
c) It is strongly supported by the United States.

Proposals for a new approach
Great constants of Chilean politics, such as the "democracy of agreements", have become obsolete.
Chile has henceforth a gigantic challenge: overcoming the neoliberal model and the political model autoritariocentralizador. This effort must be accompanied by a shift in international politics, which must leave
purely rhetorical statements that abound in this plane, replacing them with a set of
concrete initiatives:

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

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1. deepening strategic relationship with Argentina and Brazil
Clearly, the world has experienced in recent decades fundamental changes
they have brought drastic changes in the balance of power between countries and blocks.
With the demise of the Soviet Union created a unipolar world under US hegemony, which
It begins to be called into question by the tremendous growth experienced over the last
twenty years, the PRC.
Historical evils of Latin America as military riots, chronic inflation and exorbitant
external indebtedness seem to be over. Latin America, particularly South America have
more weight in the international arena.
In turn, Chile is now a very different international integration which had in the past, due to its
trade liberalization process the world. However, history and geography are what they are. Chile has with
Argentina one of the largest borders in the world. This is a fact of the case.
Chile is part of South America is a continent where there is a country called Brazil is playing
very significant role on the international stage. If Brazil keeps the course that has been developed
for the last time, it will be consolidated as a world power. Hence then that despite all
changes in the global arena that characterize the twenty-first century, Chile should give particular attention
the historically close relationship it had with Argentina and Brazil.

2. Strengthening the Union of South American Nations (Unasur) and the community of states
Latin American and Caribbean (CELAC)
The Union of South American Nations and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States are
very relevant institutional developments of recent times. These institutions have the great merit of allowing
dialogue and political cooperation among the countries of South America and the whole of Latin America and the
Caribbean respectively. This is extremely valuable.
It is clear that our countries still have a long way to go deeper integration
commercial and physics. There is also a joint venture area that is beginning to develop.
The auspicious process calls starring Multilatinas is still in its infancy. Have to
further progress in those directions. But for all this to work properly, it is essential
strengthen mechanisms for political coordination.
Moreover, the only way that our countries have influence in shaping the world of the XXI century
It is acting together. Separated, they never succeed in making their voices heard.
UNASUR and CELAC are still very precarious institutions, which should go a long way
consolidated. Chile has to be at the forefront of this effort.

3. Solution to landlocked Bolivia
Bolivia's demand for maritime already served 130 years. The next few decades may not be reiterations of
earlier. Several governments of Chile in the past have sought a solution to Bolivia's demand. At
most recent period was the most important effort which culminated in the so-called Agreement Charaña. Until
Now, however, all governments have failed. An important development was that prompted the Government
President Bachelet with the development of so-called thirteen point agenda on which recognized the
Bolivian maritime claim as an issue that should be discussed. He thus broke with traditional policy
the Chilean Foreign Ministry consisting of repeating monotonous way: "Here there are no outstanding issues."

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

4

Unfortunately, dialogue between the two countries broke off abruptly and are now on a
very low point in bilateral relations.
The treaty of 1904 which established the loss of landlocked Bolivia is certainly in full force. But
that's not the point. Not enough to have the legal right but must also have the political reason, reason
economic, geopolitical reason and especially the ability to take the feelings that nest in the heart
the Bolivian people.
As the winner of a war that allowed him to annex large territories and very rich country, it is up to
Chile an act of generosity and good neighborliness. We must continue to find creative ways to allow,
as stated in the agenda of the thirteen points, find concrete, useful and feasible solutions.

4. Agenda future with Peru
Whatever the ruling of The Hague, Chile and Peru have to be able to leave behind the conflicts that swept
the past. Definitely, we must push forward a future agenda to meet the challenges that both
countries face in the XXI century.
The gap between economic confidence and political distrust has to be closed gradually. Is not a
simple process. Suspicion and mistrust are present on both sides of the border. Reciprocal
accusations of "irredentism" on one side and "militarism" on the other, take to be overcome. For that
It is essential to develop an agenda definitely geared to the issues of the future. Between Chile and Peru there
many things you can do together: i) Management coordinated shared natural resources;
ii) energy integration; iii) agricultural enterprises; iv) mining cooperation; v) improving policy
migration; vi) integrated border controls, etc.

5. Positive contribution to the establishment of a new global institutions
Global political and economic structures have been showing over the last decades, their total
inability to respond to the challenges of the contemporary world.
The United Nations will remain the major political forum of the planet. The General Assembly is a tribune
major available to countries to establish positions. It is however a declarative instance without any
resolving power.
The Security Council consists of five ministers (EE. UU., Russia, China, Britain and France) still
It is the operative instance. Its establishment and operation conditioned by the veto of each
one of the five, will prevent express the new realities of the XXI century. In effect, large countries such as India,
Brazil and South Africa remain excluded. And the practice of veto is very difficult decisions.
The reform of the United Nations is a need that has been claiming for a long time.
The same applies to the new global financial architecture. The old international economic order emerged
of the Bretton Woods collapsed in the first half of the seventies of last century. Despite
consensus that might exist in that must be replaced by a new order, it has failed
become.

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Thus we are witnessing a globalization without rules that are the product of the democratic deliberation
international community. Thus it continues simply govern the fittest.
Meanwhile, in the economic sphere, the lack of adequate regulation mode is expressed in the
Reproduction of strong inequalities and maintaining large numbers of the global population
conditions of backwardness and poverty.
The recurrence of financial crisis is also an expression of the absence of mechanisms to put down
before the logic of production on speculation, widespread today. Countries like
Chile should contribute through coordination with other countries in the region to advance the cause of the
UN reform and the establishment of a New International Economic Order.

6. To ensure the survival of the planet
Has been generated in recent years a growing awareness of the threats to the
ecosystems. The pressure on non-renewable natural resources have limits beyond which comes into
threaten the sustainability of growth.
The dangerous rise in greenhouse gases generated abrupt climate changes that can
produce great tragedies. The community of nations has sought to address these problems through
According to introduce some rationality. The Kyoto Protocol aims in this direction. Nevertheless,
the two largest economies in the world, the US and China, are unwilling to submit to such
basic disciplines.
This is also an area in which countries like Chile have to struggle at all forums for a
once all measures to ensure the survival of the planet are adopted.

7. Modernization of the Chancellery
The international management of the state requires urgent improvement. The modernization of the Foreign Ministry has been
proclaimed as an imperative for many years. However, little or nothing has been
advanced. In these 24 years of democracy it has not been possible to approve in parliament a new law
our foreign service.
It is refound the Foreign Ministry, a task possible only if all actors are summoned
they have an important opinion that deliver: the community of experts in international relations,
international departments of political parties, trade unions and employers organizations.
The new Chancellor must be constructed from a policy of highly qualified human resources,
deepening of specialization of diplomacy especially on issues related to the
Latin American integration.

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PARTNERSHIP

Alejandra Botitnelli

Jorge Cienfuegos

Miguel Márquez

Alvaro Miranda

Jorge Farias

Miguel Prieto

Andres Solimano

Jorge Vergara

Paul Labbé

Arturo Duclos

Juan Carlos Urquidi

Patricia Morales

Beatriz Stager

Juan Gumucio

Patricia Peña

Berna Castro

Juan Casassus

Patrick Hermann

Lagos Camilo

Juan Valenzuela

Oriele Nuñez

Carlos Ominami

Maia Seeger

Rafael Urriola

Ciro Colombara

Manuel Baquedano

Rainer Hauser

Claudia Perez

Manuel Ipinza

Raul Requena

Claudia Rodriguez

Manuela Gumucio

Rodrigo Chauriye

Cristian Galaz

Maria Pia Matta

Rodrigo Urzúa

Daniel Flores

Marcelo Lepe

Samuel Jimenez

Edgardo Bruna

Marcos Ortiz

Sandra Valenzuela

Federico Stager

Marisol Vera

Ortiz Varinia

Felipe Fuenzalida

Matias Negrete

Victor Hugo Carrasco

Fernando Gonzalez

Mauricio Electorat

Waldo Lopez

Jaime Parada

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TERRITORY
CITY AND HOUSING

NEW CHILE

NEW CITY,
DECENT HOUSING

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]

TERRITORY, CITY
AND HOUSING

To grow as a country, not enough with the individualistic economic growth in which we are immersed,
if not we need a collective effort and solidarity, to live together better.
The next proposed program is based on three fundamental principles:
1. Ensuring universal rights for citizens.
2. democratize urban policies.
3. Create a supportive system.
In turn, these three principles are applied in three different scales of action:
1. Territory
2. City
3. Housing

I. Territory
Currently the world is witnessing profound global changes that occur in the most varied fields:
cultural, social, demographic, economic, technological and environmental. In this context, economic crises
lead to the questioning of the prevailing model of development; cultural and social changes set
new lifestyles and reproductive behavior; these, in turn, push the demographic change, with
the consequent aging population and changing patterns in the use of space.
Moreover, technological development affects new ways of working and mobility requirements; in
Thus, climate change and new environmental conditions, define an environment with new challenges,
along with suit your needs, highlight the vulnerabilities of an unequal society.
We can say so, that global changes impose new local needs, both nationally and
regional and communal.
The territory is being operated daily by society. The question is how the territory is involved and
than. We have allowed the territory to be taken over by the market, as part of a policy of "leave
do ", which ultimately favors the strongest.
It is essential to channel the transformations occurring in the territory towards improving
living conditions of society in pursuit of equity and the common good, thinking not only of the
current generations, but also in future, so as to ensure sustainable progress and sustainable
in the time. This is nothing to make a "territorial system" or a strategic planning
territory, conducive to the achievement of agreed objectives by society.

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At the national level
In Chile, more than a "territorial development policy", which has been going on all recent governments
it was a "policy of economic development", supported by sectoral policies of the various ministries,
such as Public Works, Energy, Housing and Urban Development, etc. These policies have impacted on the territory,
sometimes supported by land-use plans, sometimes not, but in most cases, have been treated
of plans unrelated to each other, where each sector objectives take precedence over other considerations. This lack
Coordination between the instruments of land management sector adds to that type given
management plans between different territorial levels.
In this context every effort to coordinate regional planning instruments have
come from the Ministry of Housing and Urban Development, whose eaves have also developed unique
regulatory instruments that have mandatory or binding. However, these instruments only
regulate the 0.5% of the country. One might say that's where our focus mainly
population, however, is not where energy megaprojects are located, the mining industry, or
Generally, large infrastructure projects.

Regionally
Chilean regions have no real power over its territory and planning are investments and
infrastructure sector, both public and private, which ultimately shape their respective
territories. This is true even though there have been some efforts in recent years to give greater
prominence to the Regional Governments (GORE) in the direction of some public funds through
Specific instruments that currently produce GORE Regional Management Plans
Territorial (PROT) to guide investments on their territory, consistent with the Regional Strategy
Developing. Thus, still apply Regional Urban Development Plans (PRDU) and if only
three regions now have this instrument, the current government continues to drive in
a situation at least confused as to which is the principal instrument for land use planning in the
regional level in the near future.

Proposals in the field of territory
1. We propose the creation of a Ministry of Land, integrating the functions of the Ministry of Assets
National, Urban Development Division of the Ministry of Housing and Urban Development, the Department of
Planning of the Ministry of Public Works, the Ministry of Transportation Planning Ministry
Transportation and the National Land Information System, interministerial, but
Executive Secretary in the Ministry of National Heritage. It shall correspond to this ministry
development and implementation of the National Land Use Policy, which is consistent with a
National Development Policy. This will provide general guidelines to ensure basic principles
as sustainability (environmental, social and economic) development of the country, in every
one of the levels; coordination of sectoral, regional and local interests, minimizing
uncertainty of projects to promote clear regulations define vocations and land use
reduce time in the environmental assessment process, which will be preceded by an assessment
territorial.

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2. they promote, define and will monitor and Conservation Protection Areas of national interest, depending
its environmental quality (such as national parks and reserves and natural monuments) or historical and cultural interest (such as areas of indigenous development, heritage routes, etc.)
3. Areas of Security and Defence, and areas at risk where they are concerned be established large
tracts of land (as tsunamis, volcanic, geological and similar failures). It will be administered and
establish general guidelines for the use of fiscal territory (51% of the country), which will only be
alienated in very justified cases, to address common good reasons. It will ensure coordination
of territorial planning instruments at different levels and the integration of planning
sector, ensuring that these instruments pursue the common good, equity and sustainability
development and ensuring that they promote appropriate participatory processes and environmental assessment
strategic. Finally, taking into account the above, the location of megaprojects (energy, industrial infrastructure, transport, etc.) will be directed.
4. Membership indigenous territories are especially reviewed, in order to support a process
effective land reclamation by CONADI.
5. Regional Land Use Plans (PROT) will be favored by governments
Regional, than in the corresponding territorial level should integrate urban and rural planning,
management of natural areas, land use and watershed coastline, planning
infrastructure and transport, management and reduction of disaster risks, among others.
6. PECOT (Strategic Communal Land Management Plans), which was created to integrate
Current Communal Regulatory Plans (PRC), but also govern the non-urban areas of the
communes and whose mandatory drafting and updating will be undertaken by the municipalities.
7. In addition, the Metropolitan Regional Plans (DRP) will be maintained where appropriate, which
in principle, should be in charge of a Metropolitan Division within the Regional Government, which
will coordinate a table and another inter-sectoral planning for timely participation
all sectors and municipalities in the metropolitan planning.
8. We will promote that in large cities (metropolitan areas) there is a Metropolitan Authority
Transportation, able to effectively coordinate the transport into large agglomerations
urban. This authority will be part, in principle, Metropolitan Division of the Regional Governments
above. Finally, it is necessary to gradually replacing polluting energy
using means of transport, especially buses and automotive park for alternative energy more
clean (solar, hydrogen and others). The replacement to cleaner forms of energy should be subsidized
the State, taking into account that this expenditure will be quickly offset by lower expenses
health services and medical leave.
All the above-mentioned instruments must be participatory throughout the process
development and empower citizens so they can make appropriate monitoring and control
thereof. These instruments will be binding and, therefore, participation that takes place
under them so will. In this context, civic education and participation will be encouraged
informed by the municipalities. The instruments of territorial planning should be reviewed in
iterative processes every five years, always with due participation, which will draw on the
information that the Ministry of Land, regional governments and municipalities should be available
for the citizen who requests it.

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Through the instruments aforementioned land management, the Ministry of Territory
It functionally relate to environmental institutions in the country. Indeed, on the one hand, plans
land use should be subject to strategic environmental assessment, and secondly, these
instruments must be a fundamental part of a comprehensive assessment process projects
infrastructure, energy and the like which are emplacen over the territory. Thus, before entering the
environmental assessment system, these projects should be subject to a territorial evaluation, including
consideration of alternative territories for the location of the project. All plans
reserved territories must stop for unwanted facilities in the appropriate scale. The communes
receiving these facilities should be compensated, on the basis that its location not
will affect the sustainability of development, since in that case may not be considered for the project
question.
Social housing should take place in the different territories, regardless of their condition or center
peripheral, or their socio-economic characteristics, is also intended to help ensure fair and equitable sharing
equipment and services, both in the cities of different hierarchy, as in rural areas. This
Thus, one should avoid excessive transport costs in time, money and pollution; migration
from the field or the smaller urban localities older; and ultimately, socio-spatial segregation.
It is thus that there are opportunities for a just and equitable social progress in all corners of the country.
In this context, we do not see social housing to remote networks and transport centers
equipment and services, for which the State must seek land for these purposes within the
cities, containing - at once the expansion of cities in this way. In this framework, should take advantage
the large stock of public lands in the northern cities of our country, but also one that is
available in the cities of central and southern part of our territory; Also, you must define the status of sites
unused vacant or obsolete and few functional buildings. Indeed, in this case, as appropriate, the
State, through the Ministry of Land, shall expropriate or buy, in order to allow the use of such
land for social purposes. The communes receive social housing exempt from taxation
they should be offset by increased resources from the state.
In short, we propose a land use that promotes the sustainability of development, the
Territorial Integration and Social Inclusion, under a new institutional framework, with an integrated system
of territorial planning that favors decentralization and informed citizen participation, along
the whole planning process.

II. City
Chile is today among the most urban countries in the world, with over 89% of urban population,
far exceeding the average of 79% in Latin America and the world average of 51%. That is why it is
It is necessary to clearly define a program proposal in the area of ​​the City.
The proposal focuses on two thematic areas defined from an initial diagnosis of the current state
of our cities and the demands of its citizens:

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Transport and sustainable mobility
Within a broad concept, mobility within the city can be understood in two ways:
1. On the one hand social mobility is the movement or displacement that made the
Individuals, families or groups within a given socio-economic system. Ideally,
societies must tend to have greater social mobility. This would mean that people who
and strive to have merit by the process, improve their quality of life and up
the social ladder. Instead, a society with low social mobility generates few hopes
progress for its members, as people tend to retain the social status of their ancestors
regardless of their personal effort.
2. Furthermore, urban mobility, in which the individual must move within the city
meet your needs for work, study or recreation. In Chile it has not developed the concept
Disabled public policy, taking isolated decisions, favoring the use of cars in
Subject to public transport, always with a view focused on infrastructure rather than the
Individual.
The expansion of the city in the territory has generated longer and slower travel without being accompanied
plan for adequate public transportation. Have created urban highways that generate cracks in the city,
disconnecting the neighborhoods at the expense of pedestrians and other non-motorized means of transport. Due to the
sprawl has generated slums homogeneously scarce infrastructure
preventing the entry of public transport and generating segregation in the most vulnerable people.
It has been left to the private responsibility of public surface transport (Transantiago)
generating enormous gaps and lack of coordination own a segregated system also generates a cost
700 million a year. Although progress has been made in the contracts of the transport system
public, have not been able to complete terminals and corridors lack of management and resources to expropriate.
It has favored the emergence of urban expressway. Motorways generate negative impact on the outputs
It has not been mitigated, stealing public space to the city. In addition, concessionaires have been monopolizing
urban highways, shopping bags km to increase their profitability.

Proposals on transport and sustainable mobility
1. Change the look from transport to mobility where the focus is the person, not the infrastructure.
2. Create a system of urban mobility in which the Metro gradually acquires control
Transantiago to create an integrated urban transport system.
3. Create more underground Metro in combination with surface tram and suburban train network
to reduce the number of buses and recover space for pedestrians.
4. Create in each city Ciclovías an Integrated System, encouraging their use as daily transportation
to work. These should be built in the space currently occupied by the car, not subtracting
pedestrian space as we see today.
5. Encourage and reinforce a system of trains and trams, discouraging highways
urban. Motorways are only efficient for long distances and outside the urban area.
6. Progress must be made in controlling air pollution, improving transport and synchronize
Underground and surface in Santiago and minimize travel time in each city, in stimulating
regardless of private cars for commuting. You must respect the landscape and views as a
heritage of cities and promote urban parks.

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Urban planning and segregation
Today we have two key instruments of planning of our cities: Los Planes
Regulators and Regulatory Plans Communal Intercommunal. Both instruments have proved
ineffective in solving the problems facing our cities. This is because there is a
fragmented into many isolated planning plans, even among neighboring municipalities without coordination
Intercomunal real level, leaving large gaps without planning.
This fragmentation occurs on two levels: Firstly at the community level where every mayor governs your
commune at will, without a coordinating body at national or even regional level, with the mayors
characters devoid of this capacity. On the other hand at the sectoral level, ie each ministry implements
sectoral without any one entity to coordinate and ensure the common interest policies.
In our cities it has been gradually promoting an unnecessary urban sprawl driven
market factors, rather than promote densification of central areas that already have infrastructure
and they are close to working areas and city services.
Segregation: While in Chile, the cities concentrate the majority of the population and economic growth
has improved living conditions and access to private property in recent decades, there is no equity in
access to public goods, increased the growing dissatisfaction with Chilean cities.
Urban development has remained strong features of social exclusion, increasingly evident in segregation
expressed spatially in social ghettos, urban violence and inequality in access to goods
public, with Chile being the most unequal country in the OECD (Gini coefficient of 0.52). This has generated neighborhoods
homogeneously homogeneously poor and rich, without favoring integration between the two.
We have diametrically different cities where vulnerable sectors lack any kind of
infrastructure. Infrastructure investments have focused on the wealthiest neighborhoods, where
purchasing power is concentrated, resulting isolation of the poorest sectors.
Market has been left to the responsibility of the development of the city, uncorrected externalities
this produces. Cities are imperfect markets. This condition requires intervention
State to correct externalities, fair competition and natural monopolies, and preventing processes
predation and over-use of public goods or poor, through urban planning,
Impact internalization mechanisms and formulas for the protection of scarce public goods and high
equity, such as roads, historic and scenic heritage, public spaces and green areas,
among others.

Urban planning proposals and segregation.
1. To promote a homogeneous densification of the city, instead of urban sprawl,
housing closer to workplaces and services. Until today, the densities of each commune
They are determined separately in their respective regulatory plans, without there being an entity
regulate the density at the metropolitan level.
2. a stronger state intervention is required to correct externalities, regulate competition
and favor natural monopolies and deconcentration of public goods.
3. You must ensure a fair distribution of public facilities and goods in the territory,

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avoiding favoring one sector of the city to the detriment of the other. You must also think of ways
compensation for equipment that are required to generate profits city
for the most deprived neighborhoods through which they pass, and generally are damaged and lose
goodwill, for example, urban highways.
4. A neighborhood regeneration program is proposed through an infrastructure investment plan
first class, exclusively for the poorest sectors, as has been done in other
Latin American cities like Medellin.
5. Encourage citizens to participate more actively in the planning of cities through
citizen consultations and strengthening of neighborhood units and their participation in the design of
planning instruments.

III. living place
Housing must be understood as a human right. It all facets of life unfold
the human being, strongly determining its future development.
Over the past governments have taken a quantitative approach to the problem of housing at the expense of a
qualitative approach. Social housing policy was developed which resulted lot agglomerated
housing in areas away from the center, creating homogeneously poor communes, administered by
Municipalities without resources. This pattern has been repeated until today, operating without sectorally
overview of the problem, generating serious problems for the city as housing segregation
social.
Not enough to give grants to private and deliver them to take charge of the issue of housing, as the
high value of land has led to be built in peripheral areas, which has only contributed to generate
ghettos. Recall that housing is the main stage of the formation of human beings, so it
It must be a central element of government policy.

An absent
Today social housing is being designed, built and managed by private. This has led to the
social housing is transformed into a business that has proven to be unprofitable due to high values
to invest in development of land of poor quality and far from urban centers. This is due to
high value of land in urban areas, ending social housing in suburbs and homogeneously
poor, scarce infrastructure and services such as education, hospitals, transportation, etc. Because
this, the private sector has been moving towards the development of higher value housing, which is more
profitable, leaving a huge deficit as a result of basic housing.
The problem of social housing is not a quantitative and sectoral problem but a quality problem and
integral. The focus should be on finding mechanisms to overcome poverty, so to take
people from the miserable condition in which it is located.
It is estimated to eradicate the camps in Chile would cost about $ 500 million. Similar figures
They have been spent in the last government bonds without any specific utility but with high profitability
election, which shows a lack of political will to solve the problem.

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Housing proposals
1. Centralize social housing, bringing it closer to urban centers and transportation
infrastructure and services, taking charge of the housing stock by providing equipment that already exists
and even, in some cases, demolishing and rebuilding homes that are in disrepair. For
This state has a lot of land in central locations as Cerrillos and others,
those being tendered to private rather than use them to centralize the housing problem
social. This has to do with a certain logic governments let the market take over
problem.
2. counteract high land values ​​in central locations through a transitional allowance
Lease. This would be a good way out of segregation and inequality. The state has
several areas that could be a contribution to build housing for overcoming poverty
way of loan or lease for a certain period of time until people can
choose homeownership better quality.
3. We propose a State involved in the management, construction and management of social housing,
ensuring housing as a basic social right. We could access more land
the central State.
4. We propose to reinsert social housing in central municipalities, cores of no more than 50 units,
to produce a positive impact on housing and not have a negative impact on the neighborhood in which
inserted. We must end the logic of large construction units for social housing, and
which eventually form without integrating poor neighborhoods.
5. We propose the elimination of the camps. Today in Chile we have 27,400 families living in
around 700 camps, with the region of Valparaiso (7,500 families), Santiago (4,700 families)
and Bio Bio (5,600 families) which have higher concentration. The eradication of the camp you
It would cost the state about 500 million US (which has come to give bonds a year), so
which it needs a strong political will to achieve it.
6. propose an accommodation for Overcoming Poverty. As families are in a state of
Vulnerability is necessary to make a social integration in which not only enough to leave the house
poverty, it is necessary to create conditions that allow the incorporation and integration
these families to society. To this we believe that a formula is through the municipal management
together with the state, as drivers of social mobility.
7. For this you must create transient for overcoming poverty housing. Flexible housing
and transient as a way of learning for the inhabitants and so go by inserting into society
through training workshops until they can access a permanent housing.

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PARTNERSHIP

Alejandra Botitnelli

Jorge Cienfuegos

Miguel Márquez

Alvaro Miranda

Jorge Farias

Miguel Prieto

Andres Solimano

Jorge Vergara

Paul Labbé

Arturo Duclos

Juan Carlos Urquidi

Patricia Morales

Beatriz Stager

Juan Gumucio

Patricia Peña

Berna Castro

Juan Casassus

Patrick Hermann

Lagos Camilo

Juan Valenzuela

Oriele Nuñez

Carlos Ominami

Maia Seeger

Rafael Urriola

Ciro Colombara

Manuel Baquedano

Rainer Hauser

Claudia Perez

Manuel Ipinza

Raul Requena

Claudia Rodriguez

Manuela Gumucio

Rodrigo Chauriye

Cristian Galaz

Maria Pia Matta

Rodrigo Urzúa

Daniel Flores

Marcelo Lepe

Samuel Jimenez

Edgardo Bruna

Marcos Ortiz

Sandra Valenzuela

Federico Stager

Marisol Vera

Ortiz Varinia

Felipe Fuenzalida

Matias Negrete

Victor Hugo Carrasco

Fernando Gonzalez

Mauricio Electorat

Waldo Lopez

Jaime Parada

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ENVIRONMENT:
THE FUTURE OF ALL
Our proposal considers progressive environment from a systemic perspective, where
They converge and interact with natural systems (ecosystems, natural resources, etc.), built systems
by man (and urban infrastructure systems or networks) and sociocultural systems (values,
beliefs, institutions and other), which make and model of the human habitat, while
They are their source of income.
These systems should tend to balance, so as to ensure the welfare of present and
future generations, with respect for diversity and identity of each of the territories that are
part of the wealth of our country.
Indeed, our country has a great diversity of ecosystems, but no information
systematized on them, its operation and environmental services they can offer to
human being, let alone forecasts of future developments in such imminent scenarios and
irrefutable as climate change. Moreover, there is no knowledge about our
cultural heritage and archeological wealth, nor the value it has in shaping the habitat
and identity of peoples. Therefore, analysis of socio - environmental taking place in our country
often weak, biased, partial and sectoral, and usually needs obey
punctual, motivated by the site of a project and / or reaction to a conflict.
Moreover, we can say that public and private wilderness areas are abandoned as such;
as well as typical areas declared and / or archaeological or historical value, National Parks
Natural Monuments, as they can be operated without violating the law, a situation which is even
reinforced by the new Environmental Regulations that took effect in August 2013 and granted
new authorizations and permits sectoral projects and investment activities in these areas
and areas with environmental and cultural value. Thus, they violate international treaties and conventions
as the Washington Convention, the Convention on Biological Diversity, the Ramsar Convention
and Resolution 169 concerning indigenous peoples and indigenous rights.
In addition, biodiversity is threatened by agricultural practices of big business
transnational releasing their GM seeds without impact studies
Environmental and without consulting the public potentially affected and even total
ignorance, at undisclosed locations, of which the companies are not required to report
of their activities to the authority.
In short, the environment is not addressed in a comprehensive and planned manner, using postponed
instruments such as strategic environmental assessment, the application is considered only in Chile,
or strategic spatial planning (land use planning), whose potential to address
effective environmental issues and delays still unknown in our country.
Consistent with the above, the environmental institutions in Chile is oriented to the evaluation
and environmental approval of projects that ensure a quality environment to current

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and future generations of the country. Prevail and specific economic interests of owners
projects over community interests, can be described from the point of view as economic partner hundred percent "extractive" and an almost nonexistent or no concern
environment.
It should be added that instances of citizen participation in the capital budgeting
with significant impacts are scarce and not binding, the situation is worse considering that the
participation becomes even more difficult when information is insufficient or lacking in transparency, and there
among those affected needed to properly assess the information so they can have education.
In this way, citizens often have to use their own financial resources to hire
advice and try to cope with situations created by others, which have nothing to do with their
aspirations, and prevent the particular interest prevails over the community, an issue that should
It is guaranteed by the state, but in today's Chile is not.
On the other hand, the socio-environmental institutions is still being implemented and
pending key agencies, such as the Parks and Biodiversity and Service
National Forest in addition to significant uncertainties as to the effectiveness on
legal certainty of the new Environmental Courts and the Superintendency of the Environment. Without
But the current institutional design involves no more substance for environmental governance
environment, not least climate change.
A little over three years since its enactment, the command to insert the environmental variable in the discussion
sectoral public policy still faces two major challenges: first, subordination
the functions of the new Ministry of Environment Cabinet a totally unrelated to the topic
environmental and from a legal perspective, however, that finally is the real
State body that makes decisions on environmental policy and climate change issues; and, second,
circumstantial, sporadic, non-binding and informal participation of civil society in the process of
collecting information for the formulation of public policies related to the environment and
climate change (used arbitrary and instrumentally mechanism quote citizen participation,
without effective legitimation of it).
Until they mature and change the way of approaching political partner - current environmental, weighing up their
foundations and content seriously, their socio-environmental benefits of medium are displayed
long-term and above purely financial and short-term economic considerations and,
Consequently, public policy is not generated in National and Sector Climate Change consensus
with civil society, to express objectives of adaptation and / or mitigation governed by a legal mandate
and regulatory, and, meanwhile, the institutional design of the Ministry of Environment allowing a
horizontal approach to the Council of Ministers on the creation of public policy on the issue, Chile
will continue to suffer a dispersion of its lines of action and not exceed its current political complex
treat environmental management on the fly with common laws, regulations, ordinances
and individual standards of limited scope and, in most cases, often subject to
rules and regulations which safeguard conflicting interests for the sake of a supposed public benefit
clearly does not benefit the entire country.

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A real sustainable development advocates the progress and welfare of the population, as
the natural capital available so permits and also taking into consideration the
economic development, environmental protection, social equity and generational solidarity also
the essential institutional transparency.
Then, when an economic system aims to increase the volume and efficiency of your productivity
in a scenario of global change, impacted by climate change, you are bound to recognize and
size their true capabilities and potential limitations.
For a country like Chile, with geographical remoteness from international markets and severe
power generation problems presented, that is, lack of sources of hydrocarbons and
non-conventional renewable energy, with an energy matrix and international transport
Goods hundred percent dependent on the goodwill of third countries and the benefits
a rainy weather, this aspect is key. It is then essential that the authority is able to
measure and quantify the economic competitiveness of the country's international trade,
particularly considering crucial factors such as carbon footprint, water footprint and the footprint
ecological, and establish social and environmental criteria that reduce or neutralize compensation in
possible emissions of greenhouse gases generated by its productive apparatus
and international transport of goods. Refusing to do as has happened so far is
simply deny the existence of the problem of climate change and warming
Overall that pervades our planet, and not just the unfortunate consequences that should be
center of public policies on adaptation and mitigation of biogeochemical effects
about our environment, but also as insurmountable barriers and unavoidable restrictions
international trade in our country.
Therefore, a public policy of sustainable development with socio-environmental variable
explicit, to incorporate the reality of climate change and its influence on the productive capacity of
country, allow time to clarify to what extent and how Chile can become a
agri-food and forestry power.
Finally, this policy should also incorporate substantial component generation
human capital trained to manage, identify and systematize the social implications,
involving environmental and economic impacts of this climate phenomenon; an arrangement
territorial authentic to plan the Chilean economy under the axes of adaptation and mitigation and,
also values ​​the existence of a set of protected areas and biodiversity respected as part
our natural capital critical for survival; and finally, try food security
somewhat sustainable approach and sustainable, rather than merely productive.
At present, the international trend in public policies and identifying
effective management tools in the fight against global warming and climate change,
on issues of trade and economic competitiveness, has been gradually tilting the
stimulation, search and identification of novel mechanisms and volunteers are not only
the product or result of the compulsory enforcement of existing regulatory frameworks of
countries, but also they are able to provide a contribution to mitigation and compensation
the effects of climate change.

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

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PROPOSALS
In consideration of diagnosis outlined above, our program considers five transversal axes, which
turn are pillars which have to sustain the various environmental issues. These areas are:
I. institutional, regulatory and environmental policy framework
II. Analytical instruments, planning, management and environmental assessment
III. Mechanisms education and citizen participation
IV. Climate Change and Water
V. Biodiversity and GMO
I. institutional, regulatory and environmental policy framework
We propose strengthening the Ministry of Environment, which should have real power
decision. The Ministry will prepare an environmental policy with clearly defined strategic axes,
where at least they are relieved those who have already established herein. The decisions
significant fall to the Ministry itself and not in the Council of Ministers for Sustainability,
where ministries as Finance, Economy, Energy, Mining, Public Works and Housing and Urban Development,
always make their own sectoral interests prevail over the -ambientales partner. Is
situation will be reversed in our government, where the Minister of the Environment will have at least
same status as ministers of the other aforementioned portfolios.
Moreover, the Environmental Regulations adopted in August 2013 (Decree is fully review
Supreme No. 40), at least, by ensuring there respect international conventions and treaties signed
Chile and giving greater prominence to public participation, which shall be binding.
Also, the bill, which creates the Biodiversity and Protected Areas will be reviewed,
in order to avoid that the service responds to sectoral interests and so to fulfill
effective and autonomous functions.
The water issue will go entirely to the Ministry, but through a decentralized agency,
which in turn will decentralized offices in regions. Thus, ensuring the human right to water, its
preservation in quantity and quality, and watershed management will be priority tasks for this ministry,
which require prompt repeal of the Water Code and its replacement by a new legal body,
assume water issues holistically, depending on different uses and states where
protecting our largest reserves of fresh water (the glaciers) will be essential.
II. Analytical instruments, planning, management and environmental assessment
To address the lack of systematic information on our territory, we propose to perform
a comprehensive survey of natural and cultural riches of the country; vulnerabilities,
threats and risks; potentialities and restrictions of use, considering different scales of analysis.
This requires a single system of territorial-environmental information will be implemented transcending the
mere data collection, able to deliver analytical reports easy to understand, any
our land space, information must be made available to the public. This
so will be promoted on the one hand, informed citizen participation, and on the other, bestows
a solid foundation for proper environmental planning and land management.
Planning and management of land considered natural socio-cultural characteristics, and built
thereof, especially addressing the needs of the most vulnerable geographical areas, as
watersheds, coastal zones, the Andean foothills, rural areas, among others.

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In addition, an Integrated Risk Management System will be implemented naturally occurring,
socio-natural and man, in order to prevent its onset and reduction
Adverse over territories and vulnerable populations.
Fundamental restructuring will be the Environmental Assessment System, which considered different
location of project alternatives, properly analyzing management plans
the relevant territorial scale, carried out with the appropriate public participation and
subject to strategic environmental assessment. Moreover, if the project in question requires
Impact Study, the Environmental Assessment Service (SEA) tender the relevant study. The company
It concerned the study will pay through the SEA (by registration of the project in the system) and not
You have direct contact with the consultant who has been awarded the contract. Any requirement
the consultant to the company (clarification, information) will be made through the SEA. A Committee
Technically, composed of the relevant public services and at least two technical institutions
independent investigation (no conflict of interest with the project in question) will review the EIA.
The respective resolution shall be made by an ad hoc committee, the Committee on Environmental Public Interest
(CIPA), which is represented the interest of public institutions and citizens.
III. Mechanisms education and citizen participation
Education and public participation are understood in themselves as social devices
the promotion of ideas and development of new learning. Therefore, an environmental policy that
point to sustainable development for the well-being of present and future generations in Chile
should consider mechanisms of formal and informal education and citizen participation. This
It will thus be returned to the Ministry of Education to environmental institutions.
The proposed formal mechanisms aim to deepen and coordinate the incorporation of the
greening existing institutions such as:
• Review the school curriculum in terms of environmental education at all levels
primary and secondary education, making the necessary modifications.
• Require comprehensive courses in environment in all technical courses,
professional and higher academic degrees in technical training centers, institutes
Professional and universities.
• Create a coordinating body between the public, private, and academic sectors in the different
regions of Chile, to promote research, development and innovation in them towards
sustainable development.
The education and informal mechanisms of citizen participation are aimed at
incorporate new learning spaces and dissemination of environmental concerns and attempt
open spaces for citizen empowerment ownership and environmental dimension:
• Conduct ongoing campaigns of environmental education to the public, on a national level,
regional and communal.
• Incorporate projects involving change in the behavior of users to
achieve objectives of cleaner production and / or environment, budget for campaigns
social education, information and / or training.
• Create an environmental observatory, for free access and use of information and complaints.

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• To promote and institutionalize binding participation in decision-making processes that affect
the quality of life of citizens in the territories that constitute their habitat. Such participation
it must give from identifying the problem that requires solution, analysis of alternatives
(Including place of location of projects, technologies to be used, etc.) and selection
a form of solution; and monitoring and evaluation of its implementation and development.

IV. Climate Change and Water
Climate change is certainly a transverse axis that transcends the water, affecting biodiversity,
food security, health, triggering catastrophic events such as floods
or drought, etc. However, here it is presented together with water, because the crisis
Water is perhaps the most pressing effect and which is already evident in our country. This critical situation
It is exacerbated by the privatization of water and increasing pollution of this vital element.
Climate change must be addressed both from a standpoint of the mitigation and
adaptation. In the first case, it is to reduce emissions of greenhouse gases,
so -in line with the program energético- propose "decarbonising" our parent
energy, reducing the contribution of fossil fuels to the same.
From a standpoint of adaptation, a central aspect will prioritize applications
water, for which the State will need to recheck the allocation of water resources.
This will be possible with the aforementioned repeal or replacement of the Water Code, but also
the Constitution shall establish the warranty on water as a national asset for public use and
recognize the human right to water, considering the protection of the quantity, quality and access
the water. Indeed, the use of water for basic human needs will preeminence
any other use that the economy will want to give this resource. However, as already
You mentioned earlier, it is not just to protect ground and surface liquid water, but
also glaciers, Patagonian and Antarctic ice; not just about protecting water
sweet, but also by the use of precautionary seawater desalination monitor.
In this field also it requires a lot of research to determine which agricultural species
better they adapt to new climatic conditions and which techniques are the most efficient
water and sustainability in terms; Similarly, other economic sectors should
develop more efficient technologies with lower energy consumption and water, especially
mining and heavy industry in general. Of great importance it is also health research
related to climate change (vectors, allergies, etc.). In this context, we will implement a
fund to develop research related to climate change, technology transfer and
training.
Finally, we should mention that, along with developing a National Plan of Action Adaptation
developing action plans to promote local adaptation to climate change,
contemplating strategies and adaptation measures, depending on the local characteristics of the
communes throughout the country.

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

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V. Biodiversity and GMO
Along with the creation of the aforementioned Biodiversity and Protected Areas required
increase resources to protect biodiversity in our country. Chile has about
14 million hectares of protected areas, including national parks, nature reserves
and national monuments, however, according to a recent study, which compared 124 countries,
Chile is one of the ten countries that spend less on protecting biodiversity. Such resources
should be directed to the management of marine protected areas both (where present the
higher deficits) as land. This includes funding for the management of these areas and protection
endangered species and to increase the number of rangers in remote areas.
By the way, it only makes sense, if you also reviewed and amended the new Environmental Regulation,
which violates the protection of these areas, allowing the destruction of protected species,
groundwater extraction and mining exploration in areas of meadows and wetlands, etc.
As for GMOs, which are another way to undermine biodiversity and
natural and cultural heritage of the country, improvement of that Regulation also extended
the entry of GM crops draft environmental assessment system, which
these projects should be known (both in their characteristics and location) by
citizenship, which must rule on them. Thus, the adequacy
biosecurity measures will not be agreed in advance between the respective sectoral Ministry and the
Ministry of the Environment (as noted by the Regulation), but should be evaluated
through an environmental impact study.
Thus, the constitutional change for which we advocate, must also be consistent with the
before, in the sense that the interim common good and protect our ancestral seeds, over
the interest of private and "intellectual property" of these. It is recalled that Chile signed in 2002
Biosafety Protocol of the United Nations, which states that GMOs
They are different from the conventional, and have the potential to cause damage to biodiversity, the
environment and human health; therefore, it is imperative to regulate the cultivation, use, handling and trade
GM, applying the precautionary principle.

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

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PARTNERSHIP

Alejandra Botitnelli

Jorge Cienfuegos

Miguel Márquez

Alvaro Miranda

Jorge Farias

Miguel Prieto

Andres Solimano

Jorge Vergara

Paul Labbé

Arturo Duclos

Juan Carlos Urquidi

Patricia Morales

Beatriz Stager

Juan Gumucio

Patricia Peña

Berna Castro

Juan Casassus

Patrick Hermann

Lagos Camilo

Juan Valenzuela

Oriele Nuñez

Carlos Ominami

Maia Seeger

Rafael Urriola

Ciro Colombara

Manuel Baquedano

Rainer Hauser

Claudia Perez

Manuel Ipinza

Raul Requena

Claudia Rodriguez

Manuela Gumucio

Rodrigo Chauriye

Cristian Galaz

Maria Pia Matta

Rodrigo Urzúa

Daniel Flores

Marcelo Lepe

Samuel Jimenez

Edgardo Bruna

Marcos Ortiz

Sandra Valenzuela

Federico Stager

Marisol Vera

Ortiz Varinia

Felipe Fuenzalida

Matias Negrete

Victor Hugo Carrasco

Fernando Gonzalez

Mauricio Electorat

Waldo Lopez

Jaime Parada

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GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

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]

CULTURE AND ART:
IDENTITY BUILDING
ROLE OF CULTURE AND ARTS
We understand the notion of culture as a set of material and symbolic productions of a
community. Culture is thus moving memory of a community, compromises our
social being and is the basis of the notion of citizenship: we Chileans because we "feel"
belong to the cultural community called Chile.
If we understand well, culture is the set of cultural productions film, literature, visual arts,
theater, music, television, etc. But also the set of codes that allow us to exist as
community.
Appeal, as we do, to a transformation of the way of understanding and practicing politics
Chile is to appeal to a profound cultural transformation. For every political action is intended to
cultural change, propose that culture is a priority in our political practice.
In the field of arts and cultural products such itself: diffusion and access to
they allows the formation of the critical spirit of citizens, essential for each
we can reason with information and autonomy. Only a society of citizens that is,
individuals capable of thinking for themselves, as they are informed and autonomous is a free society.
Democracy is not just a society of uneducated and uninformed to
who they are asked from time to time the vote. Democracy is to create the conditions for
progress towards a society of educated individuals, informed, autonomous, free.
That is our goal and he has to guide any cultural policy.
Therefore, we propose a real revolution in the cultural field which is to provide
our country from a cultural policy. So far what has been a policy
distribution of resources to the artists. This is not bad, but distributing resources is only part
cultural policy. Because it is essential that a cultural policy must be aimed first
Instead, the citizens, not the artists.
Our cultural policy does not eliminate the promotion of artistic creation and improvement corrects, but places
in the foreground the emancipatory role of culture in shaping a society of citizens.
This means that cultural policy should ensure the creation, dissemination, training and access to
Culture and the Arts.
Then proposals associated with the four objectives mentioned above are presented.

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

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CULTURE MINISTRY
Liberals support the creation of a Ministry of Culture and Heritage, to incorporate the
National Council for Culture and the Arts, the Department of Libraries, Archives and Museums (Dibam) and
National Monuments Council.
Therefore, we consider it essential to draft a new bill, so that this
Ministry considers, in his actions, including citizens and members of the world of Arts
and Culture in Chile, and their interaction, in addition to worrying about the decentralization of
implementation of public policies in culture and heritage. In this regard, we propose to create
National Congress of Culture, Cultural sort of Parliament, bringing together representatives of
culture, heritage, regional and world citizen.
In turn, the Ministry must have:
• An Institute for the Promotion and Dissemination of Arts
• A Direction for Development of Libraries, Archives and Museums
• A Bureau of National Monuments
• An Institute for the creation, dissemination and promotion of culture and the independent arts.
Currently, the budget of the National Council for Culture and the Arts is equivalent to 0.4% of
National budget (2013). We believe that the budget of the Ministry of Culture and Heritage
debiese reach 1% of the annual national budget, in a period of four years. Thus,
propose doubling in the first year in office, the budget in Culture and Heritage for
is equivalent to 0.8% of the total budget.
Finally, the Ministry shall ensure the promotion and integration of cultures in
Chile.

ARTISTIC EDUCATION
A policy of promoting culture and the arts necessary to promote artistic training from
smaller children. The experience of developed countries, whose curricula incorporate
mandatory artistic disciplines, suggests the importance of this measure in enhancing
young talent and improve the quality of life of their communities.
Therefore, we propose that each student or student must pass compulsory basic education
for any artistic discipline, whether singing, theater, writing, dance, etc.
In turn, expand and improve the artistic quality in primary and secondary schools
subsidized, as one of the foundations of the creative and innovative capacity chili future.
Finally, we will create the National Center for Talents, in charge of receiving and train young talents
attend from all regions of the country. This center will have four regional headquarters.

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Promoting the creation and dissemination
Current instruments to promote the creation and dissemination have serious weaknesses: not always
distinguish between arts and not always differentiate between types of projects, whether educational or
experimental. In turn, the subsidiary model usually has a mercantilist and utilitarian vision
ethics and aesthetics.
Because of this, it is urgent to establish permanent funds for arts (literature, visual arts,
ates graphics, experimental art, photography), reassess the conditions for admission and requirements
apply, and the profile of the evaluators.
But it's not just a matter of funding, but the development of culture and the arts requires a
paradigm shift understand that transcend cultural and aesthetic development of all areas
life. Therefore, the state must promote the association of artists, including SMEs
cultural.
We propose to create a National Dissemination Center for the Arts, which will be the link between the artist
and cultural platforms and networks, whether national or international. A time s as a way of
promoting and protecting the national cinema, we will set a quota of screen in movie theaters and on
broadcast television, twenty percent of national production.
It is not possible national films by young filmmakers remain in theaters no more than
a week and they are subsequently awarded abroad, in various international festivals.
The same goes for projects awarded by NTV, which are broadcast at times less
audience.

MUSEUMS AND DISTRIBUTION
Chile is not only characterized by a shortage of museums throughout the country, but also by the
precariousness of the same:
• No procurement departments have to allow them to renew their catalogs and be in
tune with contemporary national and international art.
• Do not have permanent funding, either for exhibitions of established talent
or young talents.
• Do not always enjoy editorial freedom to present avant-garde works, with strong
political dissidents content or in terms of so-called Establishment.
Therefore, we propose:
• Review the existence of museums throughout the country and the conditions in which they operate.
• Create a National Museum Policy that would ensure permanent funding lines
for public museums, the country with the commitment to present works of young talents
consecrated talents.
• Create Biennial that will disseminate the national arts and interact with the cultural world
International.

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

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POLICIES promote reading
In terms of books and reading, we propose:

1. Legislate for the so-called Single Price
It should legislate for the editorialist or importer of books, as appropriate, and under the supervision
Book a committee which is expected to be created for this purpose, whoever set a fixed book prices
for the whole country, that whatever the dealer, place or time in which the sale is made.
Thus distributors (supermarkets, large bookstores, online shops, etc.) must respect
set price, regardless of the place and the time of year in which the sale is made.
However, other distributors may lower its selling prices as long as the discount
does not exceed 5% of the initial value.
This measure assumes that the book is no good either, subject to the vagaries of
Supply and Demand. On the other hand, are objects which are not substitute each other, so that should not be
respond to the strict logic of the market.
Therefore, the single price policy encourages:
• Equal access, in terms of price, to book.
• The existence of multiple distributors, to ensure the quality and variety of the offer
(Small bookshops).
• The literary creation, since it allowed to publish and distribute works hard marketing.

2. Reduce, in the framework of a comprehensive tax reform, the VAT to Book
In general, OECD countries recorded an IVA to book no more than 7%. In turn, countries
as Mexico, Argentina, Colombia, Hungary, Brazil and Britain have gradually eliminated
VAT book. This realizes the importance that is attributed to this well, as the core of
culture, education and transmission of knowledge.
That is why as part of a comprehensive tax reform, similarly revise the VAT to
staples, it is proposed:
• Establish a differentiated tax depending on the product, which in this case could mean
Book reduction in VAT to 7%
• Reduce VAT to the press at 2%.

3. Create a National Editorial
It is proposed to evaluate the creation of a national publishing house, which publishes Chilean works and literary classics,
in paperback, which allow a massive diffusion of works considered fundamental but
also contemporary.
This editorial will strengthen libraries and book collections to level preschool, school
and university.
4. Create called Teacher card, which will allow each of the teachers
Chile, buy 10 books a year, free of charge.

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5. Respect the agreements signed by Chile, regarding the Protection and Promotion
cultural diversity, specifically established by UNESCO.
6. Ensure that the National Library counts with digitized books, with special emphasis on
national authors and classics of world culture, so that all
expedite citizens have access to such works.

TELEVISION AND CULTURE
Since it began three years ago, the discussion of the Draft Digital Terrestrial Television, artists
and grassroots organizations have stressed the need for more television channels and
that new operators to enter the market.
In that sense, we propose the creation of a Cultural TV Channel and legalization
communal and regional channels new channels. This no role in the production and
but opening the existing spectrum of choice, on the part of viewers.

National artists and the legal framework.
While we have made progress in the protection of certain rights of artists under
legal is extremely weak, making it in fact, companies might ignore
violate existing law and almost permanently labor rights and intellectual property
national creators. Like all workers in the country, the artist attends conditions
Extreme inequality in the labor market, forcing him to accept the conditions dictated by the
entrepreneurialism.
The State must ensure fair treatment to the artist. In that sense, we propose:
1. Amend Act of hiring artists, so that the employer can not avoid
this responsibility and the artist meets the social, welfare, health, rights
union, etc., which guarantees the Labour Code.
2. Modify intellectual property law that lays down rules on property rights
Authors of audiovisual works.
3. A new pension, mixed public-private system, to ensure that trades like the
artists have a decent and according to what their role in society minimum pension.
4. A Solidarity Fund Universal Health to ensure access, equity and quality in health,
the artists.
5. Modify the cultural donations law, the encouragement of the creators
cultural SMEs to access private funds to encourage creation.
6. To promote respect and recognition to the organizations, groups, and corporations
bringing together artists in defense of their interests.

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PARTNERSHIP

Alejandra Botitnelli

Jorge Cienfuegos

Miguel Márquez

Alvaro Miranda

Jorge Farias

Miguel Prieto

Andres Solimano

Jorge Vergara

Paul Labbé

Arturo Duclos

Juan Carlos Urquidi

Patricia Morales

Beatriz Stager

Juan Gumucio

Patricia Peña

Berna Castro

Juan Casassus

Patrick Hermann

Lagos Camilo

Juan Valenzuela

Oriele Nuñez

Carlos Ominami

Maia Seeger

Rafael Urriola

Ciro Colombara

Manuel Baquedano

Rainer Hauser

Claudia Perez

Manuel Ipinza

Raul Requena

Claudia Rodriguez

Manuela Gumucio

Rodrigo Chauriye

Cristian Galaz

Maria Pia Matta

Rodrigo Urzúa

Daniel Flores

Marcelo Lepe

Samuel Jimenez

Edgardo Bruna

Marcos Ortiz

Sandra Valenzuela

Federico Stager

Marisol Vera

Ortiz Varinia

Felipe Fuenzalida

Matias Negrete

Victor Hugo Carrasco

Fernando Gonzalez

Mauricio Electorat

Waldo Lopez

Jaime Parada

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

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GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

]

]

CONSUMER RIGHTS:
NO MORE ABUSE

Chile is a country that is guaranteed by a strong economic concentration, existence of oligopolies
and increasingly recurrent cases of abuses of consumer rights. Because of this,
is required to modify and improve the system of protecting the rights of consumers,
including the Law 19,496, called "Consumer Law".

Proposal
1. Strengthen the National Consumer Service.
We believe that the SERNAC must become a watchdog of all contracts
membership system so that you can sort them corrected or straight
clauses contrary to the law are eliminated, along with fine directly to companies
establish unfair terms in contracts.

2. Modify the acceleration clause in the contracts of adhesion
The acceleration clause states that the delay of a single payment on a contract, you can
result in the immediate payment of all the debt.
However, the great majority of Chileans are indebted, so the delay
a day in the payment of quotas, which can translate into companies charged interest and
15 days and will begin to accrue expenses for legal collection.
In this regard, we propose:
• Establish a minimum period of six months or six installments due to give effect to this clause.
• That a grace period of 15 days is established after the expiration of the fee,
all credit agreements.
• That in the process of renegotiation or rescheduling debt, is expressly prohibited
apply higher interest than those agreed in the original contract.

3. Interest on interest
Law No. 18,010, dating from 1981, regulates credit operations and other obligations of money,
expressly stating in Article 9 that: "may provide for the payment of interest on
interests, capitalizing on each maturity or renewal. In any case capitalization
It may be made in periods of less than thirty days. "

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Internationally, although it is not banned in all countries, charging interest
of interest is regulated, in order to prevent abuse and debts may
very small amounts become impossible to pay.
Today, adhesion contracts have clauses that stipulate the interest on interest. He
problem is that consumers are not in a position to negotiate and modify that contract.
Therefore, we propose to delete the current Article 9 of Law 18,010 which allows charging interest on
interests, if overdue debts.

4. Fines
Today, the legislation does not sufficiently high to constitute a penalty
disincentive to breach of the Consumer Act. The current sanctions are not playing your
inhibitory role requiring large companies to take measures to prevent abuse. By
Conversely, there are many cases where it is more convenient for companies to pay
collect fines and legal and abusive practices with impunity.
Therefore, we propose to remove the amount of 50 UTM fine and there is no ceiling, so
that every judge can rule based on the damage caused, without limits that are, moreover,
extremely low.

5. Credit with State Guarantee
CAE has the following characteristics:
• It is a credit to the financial system and delivery that is guaranteed by the institution
in which studies the student and the state.
• The funding given must be returned within the time limits established by law, between 10 and 20
years, with interest on the original capital and an administration fee.
• The interest rate is fixed for all credit and UF plus 2% per annum.
While it is appreciated that the interest rate is reduced from 6% to 2% per year, it is certain that follows
still unacceptable charge interest for college credit, especially if this is supported by the
Been.
In this regard, we propose to remove the associated interest CAE and is the State Bank
in charge of delivering white credits.

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

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PARTNERSHIP

Alejandra Botitnelli

Jorge Cienfuegos

Miguel Márquez

Alvaro Miranda

Jorge Farias

Miguel Prieto

Andres Solimano

Jorge Vergara

Paul Labbé

Arturo Duclos

Juan Carlos Urquidi

Patricia Morales

Beatriz Stager

Juan Gumucio

Patricia Peña

Berna Castro

Juan Casassus

Patrick Hermann

Lagos Camilo

Juan Valenzuela

Oriele Nuñez

Carlos Ominami

Maia Seeger

Rafael Urriola

Ciro Colombara

Manuel Baquedano

Rainer Hauser

Claudia Perez

Manuel Ipinza

Raul Requena

Claudia Rodriguez

Manuela Gumucio

Rodrigo Chauriye

Cristian Galaz

Maria Pia Matta

Rodrigo Urzúa

Daniel Flores

Marcelo Lepe

Samuel Jimenez

Edgardo Bruna

Marcos Ortiz

Sandra Valenzuela

Federico Stager

Marisol Vera

Ortiz Varinia

Felipe Fuenzalida

Matias Negrete

Victor Hugo Carrasco

Fernando Gonzalez

Mauricio Electorat

Waldo Lopez

Jaime Parada

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

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GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

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]

AGRICULTURE

statistical data
Exports
• The value of agriculture, forestry and fisheries exports increased by 139% between 2003 and 2012,
rising from USD 2,145 million to USD 5.129 million.
• The fruit sector represents 84% ​​of agriculture, forestry and fisheries exports to Chile.
• The grapes represent 29% of agriculture, forestry and fisheries exports. This figure is
They decline since 2003, accounted for 35% grapes of total sector exports.
• On the other hand, it has increased the participation of blueberries and cherries in total exports
agriculture, forestry and fisheries.
GDP
• The agriculture, forestry and fisheries industry represents 3 to 4% of GDP, versus the mining accounting
14% of GDP.
• Chile has become a service economy.

International Context
According to estimates by the FAO and the OECD, as the macroeconomic outlook improves, production
World agriculture will tend to increase steadily over the next ten years.
It is estimated that global food production debiese increase by 70% in order to meet the
food needs in 2050. This requires to be discussed on the development model that has
Chile, which is based on the export of raw materials with little added value, which in turn generates
currency flow that contributes to the revaluation of the national currency, which inevitably limits
competitiveness of other sectors of the economy, not to mention the environmental drawbacks
intensive soil and low production potential causes.
Therefore, it is required to develop a production model with high value added and sustainable, ie
reduce their environmental impact for future generations.

Challenges chili
In agriculture, forestry and fisheries, Chile has multiple challenges, including:
•
•
•
•
•

Malnutrition problems
Rising costs of agricultural production
Pesticides
Discussion on GMOs and pesticides
Code water.

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Proposals
A. combat malnutrition
Chile has increasing problems of malnutrition. We are one of the LAC countries in which it has most increased
the prevalence of overweight children in the last 25 years, reaching more than 33% of the population
six.
The immediate causes of malnutrition are complex and multidimensional. These include inequality
access to safe, varied and nutritious food, whether for economic, cultural or territorial factors,
or improper nutrition and diet, part of a certain culture installed.
Because this is that we propose:
1. Develop a National Physical Activity Plan called sport for all, which is guaranteed:
• Increased hours of physical activity in school day
• Creating multipurpose gymnasiums in all municipalities with more than 100
2. Regulate and control the consumption of desserts high in sugar and packed with older
Saturated fats.
3. Implement a differentiated VAT for basic food and staples,
healthy character.
B. Increased production costs
Chile, the food industry is experiencing a number of difficulties associated with the increased cost of
factors of production:
1. The sustained growth of the Chilean economy in recent decades, has had among others
direct consequences, the increase in real wages, and a growing dispute availability
labor for agricultural work, especially for those temporary. Mining,
construction and service industry, among other items, compete with the demand from the agricultural sector
for labor, highly concentrated during the harvest months.
2. The increasing cost of energy affects the competitiveness of the agrifood sector. The
energy costs in the case of Chile have a double importance, firstly on the processes
productive than are increased production costs and on the other on transport costs,
that given the distance to consumption centers, they are a threat to the competitiveness of some
more intensive freight and long-distance transport chains.
This has caused migration to crops and plantations that can be machined, of
how to regain competitiveness in this way. In fact, there is unanimity among private actors
Like one of the major constraints to the expansion of the fruit industry scarcity and costs
increasing the manpower.

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In that sense, we propose:
1. New energy policy, to incorporate unconventional renewable energy, in addition to plants
I pass. We express our rejection Hidroaysen to be an environmental reserve and features
of the project.
2. New immigration policy to ensure quality workmanship and continuous development
Sustainable Chile This requires a new labor deal, to ensure working conditions
suitable for seasonal workers.
C. Biodiversity and GMO
Chile does not yet have a Biodiversity Act and although our country signed the Biodiversity Convention, is
one of the two Latin American countries that has not ratified the Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety to the
Technology. Nor it has ratified the Supplementary Protocol of Nagoya (2010) on Access to Resources
Genetic and Fair and Equitable Sharing of Benefits Arising.
Therefore, any medicinal plant and / or use traditional peasant and indigenous communities could
be easily recorded by a breeder if not commercially known, is not registered in an official register
and was a cosmetic change. The owner of the registration may subsequently prevent the use of that plant
medical community, saying it is a variety essentially derived from the previous or is not
clearly different from that which he has manipulated.
Chile has not signed the protocol on Biosafety of Technology, called Nagoya /
Kuala Lumpur on liability and redress, which aims to "contribute to the conservation and
sustainable use of biological diversity, taking also into account risks to human health,
providing international rules and procedures in the field of liability and redress
regarding living modified "organisms.
We propose:
• Establish a National Register of varieties, seeds and other, to prevent transnational violate
national seed and also to encourage research on Chilean varieties.
• Define a 10-year moratorium, until the State has more information on GMOs and
Impact of transgenic agriculture.
• Eliminate the use of pesticides 1A and 1B. The state must create a transition plan to stop Chile
use these highly toxic pesticides.
D. New water code
On water we propose:
1. Promote the urgency of constitutional reform on water, allowing establish the
Individual constitutional guarantee (for the individual) on access to water and rights
general use as an inalienable and non-transferable personal right of a well
National public use.

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2. constitutionally and legally recognize the essential human right to water, considering the
protecting the quantity and quality for consumption, method of production and means of access to water.
3. Encourage inter-ministerial coordination of units that exist on water, through
the creation of an autonomous national water agency, by redesigning and strengthening
the Directorate General of Waters and its separation from the Ministry of Public Works. At the regional level,
forming the respective regional agencies.
4. To institutionalize the notion of essential human right of access and obtain water through
creating basin organizations composed of citizens, NGOs, users, local governments and
regional who develop management plans and water conservation watershed level.
Setting the standard territorial use and conservation of water quantity and quality, and your budget
plus essential mechanisms for proper management.
5. Ensure a value framework for the exercise of the rights of use of water based on the
common good, the human right to water and river basin plans.
6. Precautionary conservation of water resources and protect water quality through its regulation
the Water Code and the regulatory framework environmental partner, the SEA level
territorial, environmental quality standards and emission standards.
7. Regular market through the implementation of a tax on economic use of water, shelter
traditional uses.
8. Modernising economic water management through institutional strengthening of organizations
water users.
9. Protecting the cultural value of water, through the promotion and protection of traditional forms
and ancient water management in the territories.

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PARTNERSHIP

Alejandra Botitnelli

Jorge Cienfuegos

Miguel Márquez

Alvaro Miranda

Jorge Farias

Miguel Prieto

Andres Solimano

Jorge Vergara

Paul Labbé

Arturo Duclos

Juan Carlos Urquidi

Patricia Morales

Beatriz Stager

Juan Gumucio

Patricia Peña

Berna Castro

Juan Casassus

Patrick Hermann

Lagos Camilo

Juan Valenzuela

Oriele Nuñez

Carlos Ominami

Maia Seeger

Rafael Urriola

Ciro Colombara

Manuel Baquedano

Rainer Hauser

Claudia Perez

Manuel Ipinza

Raul Requena

Claudia Rodriguez

Manuela Gumucio

Rodrigo Chauriye

Cristian Galaz

Maria Pia Matta

Rodrigo Urzúa

Daniel Flores

Marcelo Lepe

Samuel Jimenez

Edgardo Bruna

Marcos Ortiz

Sandra Valenzuela

Federico Stager

Marisol Vera

Ortiz Varinia

Felipe Fuenzalida

Matias Negrete

Victor Hugo Carrasco

Fernando Gonzalez

Mauricio Electorat

Waldo Lopez

Jaime Parada

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RIGHTS

ANIMALS AND PETS
MORE RESPONSIBILITY

LESS ABANDONMENT

GOVERNMENT PROGRAM Marco Enríquez-Ominami

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]

RIGHTS
ANIMALS AND PETS

We are convinced that both respect and decent and ethical treatment of animals are manifestations
intrinsic related to the more developed civil societies.
Animals have rights and it is the duty and responsibility of the State and therefore also their
citizens, ensure their welfare and dignity. They are pets, working, for study
scientific or breeding for human or pet supply, society as a whole
You must give a decent and ethical treatment, and protect against abuse and suffering in all its forms.
Working animals and breeding, regardless of their purpose, have the right not to be victims of
any suffering during his lifetime, including the training stage in the case of working animals and
the tasks in the case of animals for human supply. In the case of horses, these must have
with their shoes in good condition, avoiding all forms of injuries and overload according to age and physical condition,
be provided with water, food, rest, veterinary assistance when required and the annual veterinary checkup.
Here are some of the measures that we will implement in the future progressive government,
to improve the care and quality of life of pets and animals:
1. Penar neglect and other forms of animal abuse. We understand how the abuse
abandon, injure, poison and abuse of animals. Importantly, society as a
whole suffers the consequences of animal abuse, either overpopulation
dogs, vagrancy, traffic accidents, attacks bite for different reasons, bulbs
infections through depositions, transformation of stray dogs in the case feral
of rural communes, etc.
2. To promote the adoption of animals, such as measures to counter the current status of dogs and
lazy cats.
3. Create a National Animal Identification Registry to counter the problem of
overpopulation of certain animals, a product of neglect to which they were subjected. This register
you must associate the data of the animal and its owner via a microchip or tattoo and only duly
signed up. The Registry will identify easily the legal representative of the animal in the different
life stages: breeder, seller and buyer adopter. The measure would prevent a high percentage
abandonment, promote adoption and responsible purchasing, and provide a real tool for
face the loss (another great reason for the overpopulation of street dogs).
4. Regular euthanasia to not be transformed into a simple measure of population control.
5. territorial level is necessary to control the population of dogs and cats. Spaying and neutering are
primary control measures in overcrowding, besides implying health benefits
Animal still homeless, undergoing these surgeries. The State must promote
sterilization through mass education campaigns on the subject, and subsidize a
percentage performing them in when necessary, creating agreements with clinics
when private veterinary departments of Environment and / or Zoonosis each municipality
they can not meet demand.
6. Create a rule to control (administrative and veterinary control) strictly to
farms and shops where you make selling animals, in order to have a real land and
ensuring ethical and dignity.

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7. Government subsidy to shelters for its proper functioning, also for campaigns
sterilization in vulnerable areas.
8. Create a National Society of Animal Protection, which has at least two shelters
region, which are met, receive, and record heal pets.

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PARTNERSHIP

Alejandra Botitnelli

Jorge Cienfuegos

Miguel Márquez

Alvaro Miranda

Jorge Farias

Miguel Prieto

Andres Solimano

Jorge Vergara

Paul Labbé

Arturo Duclos

Juan Carlos Urquidi

Patricia Morales

Beatriz Stager

Juan Gumucio

Patricia Peña

Berna Castro

Juan Casassus

Patrick Hermann

Lagos Camilo

Juan Valenzuela

Oriele Nuñez

Carlos Ominami

Maia Seeger

Rafael Urriola

Ciro Colombara

Manuel Baquedano

Rainer Hauser

Claudia Perez

Manuel Ipinza

Raul Requena

Claudia Rodriguez

Manuela Gumucio

Rodrigo Chauriye

Cristian Galaz

Maria Pia Matta

Rodrigo Urzúa

Daniel Flores

Marcelo Lepe

Samuel Jimenez

Edgardo Bruna

Marcos Ortiz

Sandra Valenzuela

Federico Stager

Marisol Vera

Ortiz Varinia

Felipe Fuenzalida

Matias Negrete

Victor Hugo Carrasco

Fernando Gonzalez

Mauricio Electorat

Waldo Lopez

Jaime Parada

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